Thailand’s forest area decreased dramatically during the last 30 years. A total ‘logging ban’ issued in 1989 slowed down deforestation, but logging could not be stopped entirely. Thailand tries to find new ways of forest management to deal with the danger of forest loss and degradation.
Community forests are one solution discussed very broadly in the Thai public as well as in Thai forestry. Participation of local people in the management of forest resources seems to be a promising way to conserve remaining forest areas. A growing number of villages claim their ability to manage forest land within the community as community forests. NGOs working in rural development and conservation, scientists and Royal Forest Department have been negotiating the draft of a community forestry bill. The recent change in government delayed the passing of the law, which leaves the community forests already existing without legal base for the time being.
The case study looks into the organization of community forestry in a village in the Province of Nan in Northern Thailand. Women’s role in establishing the community forest and in different forms of forest use was given special consideration.
Establishing a Community Forest: the Story of S.Y.
S.Y. is an agricultural village in transition. From a subsistence agricultural economy is changing into a market orientated, money based economy. Most of the villagers are still farmers, but subsistence agriculture is declining and cultivation of cash crops is increasing. Besides market orientated agriculture, the rising amount of villagers migrating for labour to Bangkok is another sign of the changing economic base of the village.
The history of forest conservation in S.Y. began with trespassers from the neighbouring district. People encroached the forest surrounding S.Y. to plant orange plantations. S.Y. villagers reacted by announcing that only S.Y. villagers are entitled to cut trees in the forest they considered traditionally as forest land of the village - an area covering about 800 ha. This regulation was set up in the year 1984/85.
People from other villages were not the only ones cutting wood though. About 50 of the approximately 70 households of the village were cutting wood for sale. Selling wood was about the only way for villagers to acquire the money needed for education, medical treatment and consumer expenses. Village leaders started to realise the danger of deforestation. A process of convincing villagers of the importance of forest protection began. In 1988 the villagers decided in a village meeting to prohibit cutting wood for sale outside the village and to prohibit the clearing of forest land for agricultural purposes. Anyone violating these rules would be fined and the money would go to the village fund. At the same time labour migration to Bangkok started in the village, enabling villagers to earn money by other means than logging.
One of the leading persons in convincing the villagers to preserve their forest was the former headman of the village. His concern for forest conservation spread from his observation of sinking water levels, of small streams falling dry and of information he obtained through his contact with officials and outside experts in seminars. Together with other village leaders, he convinced the villagers to stop selling wood outside the village in order to preserve the forest for the villagers and their children. Ecological forest functions such as watershed protection and climate regulation were other important arguments. The structure of the ‘self defence village’ with its various committees supported the forest protection. Village leaders could use the already existing committee structure to organise villagers for conservation. When asked for reasons to protect the forest, most villagers now emphasise the importance of forest as watershed along with the need to conserve nature in general. To provide a steady supply of wood for the villagers and to stop outsiders logging in S.Y. are other important reasons for establishing the community forest rules.
Villagers went to the Royal Forest Department (RFD) district office to get the approval for their community forest rules. They wanted the RFD to recognise their right to use their forest as well as their effort to protect the forest. They negotiated about permission to cut wood for use within the village. The RFD gave the permission to cut wood for house construction within the village. The villagers in turn prevented outsiders from cutting wood and controlled the prohibition of selling wood outside the village.
Deforestation slowed down after establishing these rules. But villagers realised, that there were still too many big trees taken out of the forest. The next step in forest conservation was therefore the establishment of the conservation zone, where cutting trees was forbidden for anyone - S.Y. villagers as well as outsiders. Before declaring an area of 300 ha as conservation forest in 1992, the three cemeteries of the village were the only places spared from logging.
At the same time the formal forest village committee was established. A village co-ordinator from a local NGO (Hag Muang Nan) working in S.Y. supported the villagers in founding the committee. Besides approving villagers claims for construction wood the main duty of this committee was patrolling the forest in order to stop violations of the community forest rules. Once a month a group of villagers went to the forest to look for trespassers and illegal loggers. Villagers claim that this effectively stopped outsiders from logging and from establishing plantations - the problem that was the starting point for conservation efforts a few years ago. The local NGO supported the forest committees by providing money for lunch on the patrols.
Enforcing the rules of community forest was a process of several years. At the moment there are hardly any problems with outsiders logging or villagers selling wood outside S.Y.. Two years ago was the last incident, when a villager was fined 5000 Baht for cutting wood without permission. Villagers found to be breaking the rules will normally not be taken to the police. The villagers try to settle these violations within the village. Violators from other villages however are arrested and taken to the RFD office in the provincial capital.
Women played only a marginal role in the process of establishing the community forest. At least on the surface they were not actively involved. There is no women in the forest committee. The male members of the committee justify this with the inability of women to join them in fighting forest fires and patrol the forest. This inability seems to be no argument from keeping women out of the forest committee in the neighbouring village, where the forest committee has several female members. This inability also does not stop women to help controlling fires in swidden agriculture. Women’s participation in establishing the community forest seems to be limited to discussions within the family. The only occasion women took an active role was the forest ordination. Women did most of the work in preparation of the ceremony. Their active role in the preparations of forest ordination corresponds with their traditional role and the sexual labour division: women are responsible for cooking food and organising community activities in the village.
Thailand’s forest area decreased dramatically during the last 30 years. A total ‘logging ban’ issued in 1989 slowed down deforestation, but logging could not be stopped entirely. Thailand tries to find new ways of forest management to deal with the danger of forest loss and degradation.
Community forests are one solution discussed very broadly in the Thai public as well as in Thai forestry. Participation of local people in the management of forest resources seems to be a promising way to conserve remaining forest areas. A growing number of villages claim their ability to manage forest land within the community as community forests. NGOs working in rural development and conservation, scientists and Royal Forest Department have been negotiating the draft of a community forestry bill. The recent change in government delayed the passing of the law, which leaves the community forests already existing without legal base for the time being.
The case study looks into the organization of community forestry in a village in the Province of Nan in Northern Thailand. Women’s role in establishing the community forest and in different forms of forest use was given special consideration.
Establishing a Community Forest: the Story of S.Y.
S.Y. is an agricultural village in transition. From a subsistence agricultural economy is changing into a market orientated, money based economy. Most of the villagers are still farmers, but subsistence agriculture is declining and cultivation of cash crops is increasing. Besides market orientated agriculture, the rising amount of villagers migrating for labour to Bangkok is another sign of the changing economic base of the village.
The history of forest conservation in S.Y. began with trespassers from the neighbouring district. People encroached the forest surrounding S.Y. to plant orange plantations. S.Y. villagers reacted by announcing that only S.Y. villagers are entitled to cut trees in the forest they considered traditionally as forest land of the village - an area covering about 800 ha. This regulation was set up in the year 1984/85.
People from other villages were not the only ones cutting wood though. About 50 of the approximately 70 households of the village were cutting wood for sale. Selling wood was about the only way for villagers to acquire the money needed for education, medical treatment and consumer expenses. Village leaders started to realise the danger of deforestation. A process of convincing villagers of the importance of forest protection began. In 1988 the villagers decided in a village meeting to prohibit cutting wood for sale outside the village and to prohibit the clearing of forest land for agricultural purposes. Anyone violating these rules would be fined and the money would go to the village fund. At the same time labour migration to Bangkok started in the village, enabling villagers to earn money by other means than logging.
One of the leading persons in convincing the villagers to preserve their forest was the former headman of the village. His concern for forest conservation spread from his observation of sinking water levels, of small streams falling dry and of information he obtained through his contact with officials and outside experts in seminars. Together with other village leaders, he convinced the villagers to stop selling wood outside the village in order to preserve the forest for the villagers and their children. Ecological forest functions such as watershed protection and climate regulation were other important arguments. The structure of the ‘self defence village’ with its various committees supported the forest protection. Village leaders could use the already existing committee structure to organise villagers for conservation. When asked for reasons to protect the forest, most villagers now emphasise the importance of forest as watershed along with the need to conserve nature in general. To provide a steady supply of wood for the villagers and to stop outsiders logging in S.Y. are other important reasons for establishing the community forest rules.
Villagers went to the Royal Forest Department (RFD) district office to get the approval for their community forest rules. They wanted the RFD to recognise their right to use their forest as well as their effort to protect the forest. They negotiated about permission to cut wood for use within the village. The RFD gave the permission to cut wood for house construction within the village. The villagers in turn prevented outsiders from cutting wood and controlled the prohibition of selling wood outside the village.
Deforestation slowed down after establishing these rules. But villagers realised, that there were still too many big trees taken out of the forest. The next step in forest conservation was therefore the establishment of the conservation zone, where cutting trees was forbidden for anyone - S.Y. villagers as well as outsiders. Before declaring an area of 300 ha as conservation forest in 1992, the three cemeteries of the village were the only places spared from logging.
At the same time the formal forest village committee was established. A village co-ordinator from a local NGO (Hag Muang Nan) working in S.Y. supported the villagers in founding the committee. Besides approving villagers claims for construction wood the main duty of this committee was patrolling the forest in order to stop violations of the community forest rules. Once a month a group of villagers went to the forest to look for trespassers and illegal loggers. Villagers claim that this effectively stopped outsiders from logging and from establishing plantations - the problem that was the starting point for conservation efforts a few years ago. The local NGO supported the forest committees by providing money for lunch on the patrols.
Enforcing the rules of community forest was a process of several years. At the moment there are hardly any problems with outsiders logging or villagers selling wood outside S.Y.. Two years ago was the last incident, when a villager was fined 5000 Baht for cutting wood without permission. Villagers found to be breaking the rules will normally not be taken to the police. The villagers try to settle these violations within the village. Violators from other villages however are arrested and taken to the RFD office in the provincial capital.
Women played only a marginal role in the process of establishing the community forest. At least on the surface they were not actively involved. There is no women in the forest committee. The male members of the committee justify this with the inability of women to join them in fighting forest fires and patrol the forest. This inability seems to be no argument from keeping women out of the forest committee in the neighbouring village, where the forest committee has several female members. This inability also does not stop women to help controlling fires in swidden agriculture. Women’s participation in establishing the community forest seems to be limited to discussions within the family. The only occasion women took an active role was the forest ordination. Women did most of the work in preparation of the ceremony. Their active role in the preparations of forest ordination corresponds with their traditional role and the sexual labour division: women are responsible for cooking food and organising community activities in the village.
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