Social impacts may be ‘real’ or ‘perceived’ and measures must be able to cope with both dimensions. That is, a
so-called ‘real’ impact can be measured with objective data that verifies its existence. An example of this is the
level of traffic congestion which is a quantifiable outcome, although attribution to a particular cause of the traffic
congestion may be difficult to make. By contrast, a ‘perceived’ impact is purely a personal view of that impact
(Ap & Crompton 1998), although again, this view may be ‘contaminated’ by community discussion or media
attention, although Langford (2001) argues this view is far too simplistic.
Related to this concept of social impacts is the use of the term ‘social capital’. There are various definitions
of social capital and the following one is perhaps one of the most widely accepted:
‘Social capital has been defined as those features of social organisation – such as the extent of
interpersonal trust between citizens, norms of reciprocity, and density of civic associations – that
facilitate cooperation for mutual benefit.’ (Kawachi, Kennedy & Glass 1999: 1187)
The social capital of communities, it is argued, is decreasing. Putnam (2000) and others argue that there is a
diminished sense of community and less community cohesion, although it is suggested that this trend has
existed since the beginning of western modernity. In general, the research suggests that there is greater isolation
and alienation, lack of trust and an unwillingness to be involved in community activities. Evidence of this
greater isolation and alienation, for example, is seen in the decline in volunteerism (see, for example, the ASC
2002). The lack of cohesion, it is argued, is due to growing social and economic inequalities. Research into this
concept of social capital has been extensive over the last decade and recent research by Onyx and Leonard
(2000) has attempted to quantitatively measure social capital. The concept, however, is complex, so much so