joyed by other Canadians, if the demands for native selfgovernment
are finally agreed on, and certain minorities will
get the right to exclude others in order to preserve their cultural
integrity, and so on.
To proponents of the original politics of dignity, this can
seem like a reversal, a betrayal, a simple negation of their
cherished principle. Attempts are therefore made to mediate,
to show how some of these measures meant to accommodate
minorities can after all be justified on the original
basis of dignity. These arguments can be successful up to a
point. For instance, some of the (apparently) most flagrant
departures from “difference-blindness” are reverse discrimination
measures, affording people from previously unfavored
groups a competitive advantage for jobs or places in
universities. This practice has been justified on the grounds
that historical discrimination has created a pattern within
which the unfavored struggle at a disadvantage. Reverse discrimination
is defended as a temporary measure that will
eventually level the playing field and allow the old “blind”
rules to come back into force in a way that doesn’t disadvantage
anyone. This argument seems cogent enough—
wherever its factual basis is sound. But it won’t justify some
of the measures now urged on the grounds of difference, the
goal of which is not to bring us back to an eventual “difference-
blind” social space but, on the contrary, to maintain
and cherish distinctness, not just now but forever. After all,
if we’re concerned with identity, then what is more legitimate
than one’s aspiration that it never be lost?16
joyed by other Canadians, if the demands for native selfgovernment
are finally agreed on, and certain minorities will
get the right to exclude others in order to preserve their cultural
integrity, and so on.
To proponents of the original politics of dignity, this can
seem like a reversal, a betrayal, a simple negation of their
cherished principle. Attempts are therefore made to mediate,
to show how some of these measures meant to accommodate
minorities can after all be justified on the original
basis of dignity. These arguments can be successful up to a
point. For instance, some of the (apparently) most flagrant
departures from “difference-blindness” are reverse discrimination
measures, affording people from previously unfavored
groups a competitive advantage for jobs or places in
universities. This practice has been justified on the grounds
that historical discrimination has created a pattern within
which the unfavored struggle at a disadvantage. Reverse discrimination
is defended as a temporary measure that will
eventually level the playing field and allow the old “blind”
rules to come back into force in a way that doesn’t disadvantage
anyone. This argument seems cogent enough—
wherever its factual basis is sound. But it won’t justify some
of the measures now urged on the grounds of difference, the
goal of which is not to bring us back to an eventual “difference-
blind” social space but, on the contrary, to maintain
and cherish distinctness, not just now but forever. After all,
if we’re concerned with identity, then what is more legitimate
than one’s aspiration that it never be lost?16
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