Fifty years ago, when the War on Poverty was announced and launched there was no lack of creativity. Bold new programs that impacted poverty such as: enhanced social security, job training programs, Medicare, Job Corps, community action programs, and Head Start were designed and developed at the stroke of a pen or a key on an Underwood typewriter. Since then, the leitmotif has been to criticize programs, to highlight problems, to make incremental changes, and to reduce or eliminate funding rather than to find innovative ways to make things better.
Take Head Start as a case in point. There is an ongoing debate regarding Heat Start's effectiveness. Much of the debate revolves around whether gains in a young pre-school learner's ability are maintained into the early grades (one through three).
Critics cite studies that say there is little to no lasting effect. Defenders cite studies that find a substantial continuing effect. This debate has constrained the funding for and activities of Head Start rather than to find a way to improve its performance and extend its impact.
This seems odd to us. If there is a proven program that works, but its effects are not being sustained, wouldn't the logical, business-like approach be to double down and to devote additional resources at the appropriate intervention point(s) to ensure that learning gains are maintained and enhanced? This ensures an appropriate return on investment as opposed to unrewarded expenditures.
And, now our final question: In light of the New Poverty and where things stand today, does it make sense to continue the War on Poverty? Our answer to that is absolutely -- but with a caveat.
That caveat is that we need to find new and better ways to fight the War on Poverty that transcend political and ideological boundaries. The response to the current poverty context and conditions can not be simply to say stay the course from the left or give the money to the states from the right.
We need to search for and find alternative paradigms and programmatic solutions that are research and evidence based and developed through a process of full and open inquiry. Fortunately, the fiftieth year anniversary of this war has brought a renewed focus and fresh thinking to this critical area.
For example, Peter Edelman spells out "Ten Lessons for the Future" such as: "We can't attack poverty without addressing the question of income..." Michael Gerson suggests renaming the war and "new tactics" such as increasing worker skills and rewards and "encouraging the norm of marriage."
David Brooks recommends a "developmental agenda to help poor children move from birth to middle class." Brooks also advocates that the President create "an opportunity coalition" by bringing bipartisan groups together to build "opportunity and social mobility agendas." Writing for the National Catholic Reporter, Michael Sean Winters calls upon the Catholic Church to take a lead in forging solutions through its catholic conferences at the state levels and Catholic Charities directors at the dioceses levels.
The dialogue and discussion has begun. We need to convert this intellectual energy to non-partisan pragmatic plans and the emotional currency required in order to continue to win the battles in the War on Poverty and to vanquish the current poverty of compassion, commitment and creativity. If we do not, America's new poverty will triumph and America and Americans will be much the poorer for it.