The government of India now offers so-called People of Indian Origin cards, or dual citizenship to people of indian origin as far as four generation back. These cards provide a type of quasi citizenship in India and constitute only a minor part of larger effort by the right-wing Indian government to convert diverse, often wealthy populations of Indian origin into a permanently attached “expatriate nation”, or a “global Indian family” (Hassen 2002). This practice has produced intransigent problems of racial or cultural determination of endianness and has in practice moved the definition of Indian citizenship away from the formal principle of jus soli toward a racially tinged jus sanguinis principle. In general, languages of blood have reemerged, which may be taken as a symbol of the resurgence of “long distance nationalisms” (Anderson 1994). Although diasporic dynamics and transnational nation-state formation were-largely invisible in the post World War II period, transmigrants were seen as important participants in nation-state formation in the late nineteenth century, in the countries they left, as well as where they arrived. Today, in a very different configuration of states, capita;, ideology and transnational movement, racialized national definitions of eligibility legitimate the actions of state of origin, but also of the attempts of host-governments to control human mobility (Glick-Schiller 1999).
The government of India now offers so-called People of Indian Origin cards, or dual citizenship to people of indian origin as far as four generation back. These cards provide a type of quasi citizenship in India and constitute only a minor part of larger effort by the right-wing Indian government to convert diverse, often wealthy populations of Indian origin into a permanently attached “expatriate nation”, or a “global Indian family” (Hassen 2002). This practice has produced intransigent problems of racial or cultural determination of endianness and has in practice moved the definition of Indian citizenship away from the formal principle of jus soli toward a racially tinged jus sanguinis principle. In general, languages of blood have reemerged, which may be taken as a symbol of the resurgence of “long distance nationalisms” (Anderson 1994). Although diasporic dynamics and transnational nation-state formation were-largely invisible in the post World War II period, transmigrants were seen as important participants in nation-state formation in the late nineteenth century, in the countries they left, as well as where they arrived. Today, in a very different configuration of states, capita;, ideology and transnational movement, racialized national definitions of eligibility legitimate the actions of state of origin, but also of the attempts of host-governments to control human mobility (Glick-Schiller 1999).
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