Kashtakari Sanghatana is an organizational effort centered in the Dahanu and Talasari talukas of Thane district. It was not initiated like Bhoomi Sena by local adivasi leaders, but by two Christian priests, outsiders who identified with the local tribals. The Sanghatana is opposed by the CPI(M) activists of the area as 'foreign and Christian' but its early stress on awareness-raising in the tradition of liberation theology and Paulo Freire has gradually assimilated both indigenous political thoughts of Ambedkar and Phule, and imported ideology of lenin and Marx.
The literacy rate among the tribals of thane is low (about 14 percent) and in Dahanu it falls further to 10.8 percent. Illiteracy is, however, only one expression of subordination of adivasis, which takes place through the coercion of wages, market, and credit. Agricultural laborers, including those in several fruit orchards, are paid lower than the minimum wages. Adivasis get low prices for agricultural produce such as grass, and are at the mercy of shopkeepers and money-lenders for small loans. Shopkeepers give them a small credit (for rice, dal, oil, or chillies) only against the purchase of Rs. 10 worth of kala gur (black jaggery) to make alcohol. Intimidation, assault, and molestation of women by police, forest and non-adivasi rich are frequent. Adivasis live a life of poverty, stagnation and disease as the nexus of power and money controls and dispossesses them. The group, therefore, took the issue of people's power as its basis—to organize and empower people through education, awareness and action. Through its intensive education program, it has succeeded in raising tribal consciousness.
Pradip Prabhu (formerly Peter D'Mello) was a priest, and had worked with people affected by a government dairy project, Dapchari, in the early seventies. He tried to organize the project-affected people and the local youth to get them appropriate compensation, but was forced to leave the area. He returned in 1976, and a few young people (both Christians and non-Christians) joined him. That was the time when Christianity was becoming radical, and many Christians including Pradip, who celebrated Eucharist, were moving toward radical social action.
In the late 1960s the domination of the foreign missionary was diminishing in India, and Indians were beginning to fill the gap and take up the challenges of development and education. Jesuits had money and, through organizations such as the Catholic Relief Fund, they carried on Food-for-Work programs. However, some questioned this charity model, and followed the 'project model' by helping to put up fences, wells, pumps, and dams, or by distributing buffaloes and fertilizers. Others stressed an investment in human resources through hospitals, schools, and training centers. In the 1970s, a section of Jesuits questioned the idea of conversion. Some of them were eager not to plant potatoes, but to strengthen the human spirit. The case of the Philippines and Latin America in general influenced them towards the ideology of liberation. They were interested in not just talking to the poor but walking with them as well. Faith and justice were their emphases, they believed the model of empowerment would tilt the balance in favor of the poor. This was the stream of radicalism which influenced activists such as Pradip Prabhu. Another priest influenced by this stream of thought was Nicky Cardoso. Ordained in 1970, he was then the acting-superintendent of a boys' hostel in Oshagar. Both priests—Pradip and Nicky—met and, headquartered at the church, they embarked on the conscientization of the tribals by producing educational games and programs.
In 1976-77, the first youth camp was organized in Zari, and the youth festival included simulation games relating to class structure, the life of a laborer, and the corrupt system. These trained youth formed the core of Sanghatana. The next camp was held in Ganjan. They were joined in 1977 by Sushila, who had been working with the sisters near Oshaga. Originally from Vasai, she empathized with the tribals, and joined the group impressed by the intensity and vitality of Pradip's youth camps to launch its women's wing.
Kashtakari Sanghatana succeeded in creating awareness among the tribals by evolving new teaching techniques such as organizing role plays of extreme stress and emotion: 'In the middle of the crowd, two people come with ashes in their hands. They tell the crowd that a money-lender had raped a tribal girl. After she committed suicide, they burnt her body and brought this ash to be put on everybody's forehead'. The programs were targeted at young people, to provoke them into analysis and assertion, rather than just being a bystander.
Kashtakari Sanghatana is an organizational effort centered in the Dahanu and Talasari talukas of Thane district. It was not initiated like Bhoomi Sena by local adivasi leaders, but by two Christian priests, outsiders who identified with the local tribals. The Sanghatana is opposed by the CPI(M) activists of the area as 'foreign and Christian' but its early stress on awareness-raising in the tradition of liberation theology and Paulo Freire has gradually assimilated both indigenous political thoughts of Ambedkar and Phule, and imported ideology of lenin and Marx. The literacy rate among the tribals of thane is low (about 14 percent) and in Dahanu it falls further to 10.8 percent. Illiteracy is, however, only one expression of subordination of adivasis, which takes place through the coercion of wages, market, and credit. Agricultural laborers, including those in several fruit orchards, are paid lower than the minimum wages. Adivasis get low prices for agricultural produce such as grass, and are at the mercy of shopkeepers and money-lenders for small loans. Shopkeepers give them a small credit (for rice, dal, oil, or chillies) only against the purchase of Rs. 10 worth of kala gur (black jaggery) to make alcohol. Intimidation, assault, and molestation of women by police, forest and non-adivasi rich are frequent. Adivasis live a life of poverty, stagnation and disease as the nexus of power and money controls and dispossesses them. The group, therefore, took the issue of people's power as its basis—to organize and empower people through education, awareness and action. Through its intensive education program, it has succeeded in raising tribal consciousness. Pradip Prabhu (formerly Peter D'Mello) was a priest, and had worked with people affected by a government dairy project, Dapchari, in the early seventies. He tried to organize the project-affected people and the local youth to get them appropriate compensation, but was forced to leave the area. He returned in 1976, and a few young people (both Christians and non-Christians) joined him. That was the time when Christianity was becoming radical, and many Christians including Pradip, who celebrated Eucharist, were moving toward radical social action. In the late 1960s the domination of the foreign missionary was diminishing in India, and Indians were beginning to fill the gap and take up the challenges of development and education. Jesuits had money and, through organizations such as the Catholic Relief Fund, they carried on Food-for-Work programs. However, some questioned this charity model, and followed the 'project model' by helping to put up fences, wells, pumps, and dams, or by distributing buffaloes and fertilizers. Others stressed an investment in human resources through hospitals, schools, and training centers. In the 1970s, a section of Jesuits questioned the idea of conversion. Some of them were eager not to plant potatoes, but to strengthen the human spirit. The case of the Philippines and Latin America in general influenced them towards the ideology of liberation. They were interested in not just talking to the poor but walking with them as well. Faith and justice were their emphases, they believed the model of empowerment would tilt the balance in favor of the poor. This was the stream of radicalism which influenced activists such as Pradip Prabhu. Another priest influenced by this stream of thought was Nicky Cardoso. Ordained in 1970, he was then the acting-superintendent of a boys' hostel in Oshagar. Both priests—Pradip and Nicky—met and, headquartered at the church, they embarked on the conscientization of the tribals by producing educational games and programs. In 1976-77, the first youth camp was organized in Zari, and the youth festival included simulation games relating to class structure, the life of a laborer, and the corrupt system. These trained youth formed the core of Sanghatana. The next camp was held in Ganjan. They were joined in 1977 by Sushila, who had been working with the sisters near Oshaga. Originally from Vasai, she empathized with the tribals, and joined the group impressed by the intensity and vitality of Pradip's youth camps to launch its women's wing. Kashtakari Sanghatana succeeded in creating awareness among the tribals by evolving new teaching techniques such as organizing role plays of extreme stress and emotion: 'In the middle of the crowd, two people come with ashes in their hands. They tell the crowd that a money-lender had raped a tribal girl. After she committed suicide, they burnt her body and brought this ash to be put on everybody's forehead'. The programs were targeted at young people, to provoke them into analysis and assertion, rather than just being a bystander.
การแปล กรุณารอสักครู่..
