Relations between the generations are not fixed or static and take new twists and turns over time as tensions rise and fall in response to changed circumstances and situations (see Gilbertson 2009). Of particular relevance are the shifts related to life-course change. Because most members of the second generation today are still young children, teenagers, and young adults, little has been written on relations with their immigrant parents as they move through the life course and set up families and households of their own or, in some cases, continue to live with their parents in extended family households (Kasinitz et al. 2008). As the second generation (and their parents) grow older, new conflicts may emerge or old ones may become intensified, for example, when mothers criticize adult daughters' childrearing techniques (Gilbertson 2009) or when aging and frail parents need support and care. Yet the literature suggests that reduction of conflict is more likely, at least while parents are still active and healthy, owing to the physical separation of the two generations when young people move out of the family home (Louie 2004, Park 2005) and because adult members of the second generation often reevaluate their earlier critical approaches as they assume parental roles (Waters & Sykes 2009) and daughters come to rely on mothers for advice, support, and sometimes, help with child care. In some immigrant groups, it is not uncommon for elderly immigrants to live for a significant period of time with their children and grandchildren in extended family households (Min 1998, Treas & Mazumdar 2004), and an important topic for further research is to explore grandparents' roles in these households and the relationships that develop among the three coresident generations, including how—and why—these patterns vary among national-origin groups.