The experience of poverty reduction in East Asia is often cited as a counterargument to the need for curbing inequalities. Over the past 30 to 40 years, some
East Asian countries have managed to achieve rapid poverty reduction despite
rising inequality. In China, for example, very rapid output growth (at an annual
rate of around 9 per cent - 10 per cent between 1981 and 2005) was associated
with dramatic declines in poverty (at an estimated annual rate of 6.6 per cent
over the same period), even though inequality measured by the Gini index rose
from 0.16 in 1980 to about 0.48 in 2011. However, inequality in both assets and
incomes in China was extremely low at the start of the high growth phase, and
this was probably critical to enabling rapid income growth. Further, poverty
declined most sharply in the early 1980s and the mid-1990s, both of which
were periods of falling inequality (particularly rural-urban income inequality).
Increased income to farmers was crucial in reducing aggregate poverty at these
points (Ghosh, 2010). Without rising inequality, the high rates of growth in
China would have translated into even higher poverty reduction (Ravallion,
2011; Fosu, 2011).
The cross-country variations in growth and inequality presented in Chapter
1 underscore the complex linkages between growth, inequality and poverty
reduction. They are a reflection of the different macroeconomic and social
68 Inequality matters
policies that countries have (or have not) implemented in order to stimulate
growth, foster structural transformation, create employment opportunities, widen
access to basic opportunities in education, health and job training, and deepen
social provisioning. Addressing inequalities requires a combination of growthenhancing, employment-generating macroeconomic policies and redistributive
social policies. A focus on only one set of policies is likely to maximize impact
on either poverty reduction or lowering inequalities, but not, necessarily, on both.
However, tying redistributive policies too tightly to growth policies, or equity
objectives too closely to growth objectives, would be a major mistake (McKinley,
2009). Greater equity should be valued as an end in itself—not primarily as a
means that could advance the cause of growth. Redistributive policies, therefore,
need to be addressed in their own right.
The experience of poverty reduction in East Asia is often cited as a counterargument to the need for curbing inequalities. Over the past 30 to 40 years, some East Asian countries have managed to achieve rapid poverty reduction despite rising inequality. In China, for example, very rapid output growth (at an annual rate of around 9 per cent - 10 per cent between 1981 and 2005) was associated with dramatic declines in poverty (at an estimated annual rate of 6.6 per cent over the same period), even though inequality measured by the Gini index rose from 0.16 in 1980 to about 0.48 in 2011. However, inequality in both assets and incomes in China was extremely low at the start of the high growth phase, and this was probably critical to enabling rapid income growth. Further, poverty declined most sharply in the early 1980s and the mid-1990s, both of which were periods of falling inequality (particularly rural-urban income inequality). Increased income to farmers was crucial in reducing aggregate poverty at these points (Ghosh, 2010). Without rising inequality, the high rates of growth in China would have translated into even higher poverty reduction (Ravallion, 2011; Fosu, 2011).The cross-country variations in growth and inequality presented in Chapter 1 underscore the complex linkages between growth, inequality and poverty reduction. They are a reflection of the different macroeconomic and social เรื่องอสมการ 68ดำเนินนโยบายที่ประเทศได้ (หรือไม่มี) เพื่อกระตุ้น เจริญเติบโต การเปลี่ยนแปลงโครงสร้างการส่งเสริม สร้างโอกาสการจ้างงาน ขยาย เข้าถึงโอกาสพื้นฐานในการศึกษา สุขภาพ และงานฝึกอบรม และลึกซึ้งยิ่งขึ้น เตรียมสังคม แก้ปัญหาความเหลื่อมล้ำทางต้องชุดของ growthenhancing งานสร้างนโยบายเศรษฐกิจมหภาค และ redistributive นโยบายทางสังคม เน้นชุดเดียวของนโยบายจะขยายผล ลดความยากจนหรือลดความเหลื่อมล้ำทาง แต่ไม่ จำ เป็น ทั้งสองอย่าง อย่างไรก็ตาม ผูกนโยบาย redistributive แน่นเกินไปการเจริญเติบโตนโยบาย หุ้น วัตถุประสงค์เกินไปอย่างใกล้ชิดกับวัตถุประสงค์ของการเจริญเติบโต จะผิดหลัก (McKinley 2009) มากกว่าหุ้นบริษัทเป็นสิ้นสุดในตัวเองควร — ไม่เป็นหลักเป็นการ หมายความว่าสามารถล่วงหน้าของการเจริญเติบโต Redistributive นโยบาย ดังนั้น จำเป็นต้องได้รับในสิทธิของตนเอง
การแปล กรุณารอสักครู่..