The same function is apparent in Hagan et als (1995) analysis of right-wing
extremism among East German youth. Labeling right-wing extremism a subterranean
tradition in German society, these authors seek to explain the rise of
that ideology, commonly accompanied by anomic wealth aspirations among
German adolescents. These tendencies are particularly strong among those
from the formerly communist eastern states. That trend is explained as the joint
outcome of the removal of social controls (low social capital), coupled with the
long deprivations endured by East Germans. Incorporation into the West has
brought about new uncertainties and the loosening of social integration, thus
allowing German subterranean cultural traditions to re-emerge.
Social control is also the focus of several earlier essays by Coleman, who
laments the disappearance of those informal family and community structures
that produced this type of social capital; Coleman calls for the creation of formal
institutions to take their place. This was the thrust of Colemans 1992
presidential address to the American Sociological Association, in which he
traced the decline of primordial institutions based on the family and their replacement
by purposively constructed organizations. In his view, modern sociology
s task is to guide this process of social engineering that will substitute
obsolete forms of control based on primordial ties with rationally devised material
and status incentives (Coleman 1988b, 1993). The function of social
capital for social control is also evident whenever the concept is discussed in
conjunction with the law (Smart 1993, Weede 1992). It is as well the central
focus when it is defined as a property of collectivities such as cities or nations.
This latter approach, associated mainly with the writings of political scientists,
is discussed in a following section.
The same function is apparent in Hagan et als (1995) analysis of right-wing
extremism among East German youth. Labeling right-wing extremism a subterranean
tradition in German society, these authors seek to explain the rise of
that ideology, commonly accompanied by anomic wealth aspirations among
German adolescents. These tendencies are particularly strong among those
from the formerly communist eastern states. That trend is explained as the joint
outcome of the removal of social controls (low social capital), coupled with the
long deprivations endured by East Germans. Incorporation into the West has
brought about new uncertainties and the loosening of social integration, thus
allowing German subterranean cultural traditions to re-emerge.
Social control is also the focus of several earlier essays by Coleman, who
laments the disappearance of those informal family and community structures
that produced this type of social capital; Coleman calls for the creation of formal
institutions to take their place. This was the thrust of Colemans 1992
presidential address to the American Sociological Association, in which he
traced the decline of primordial institutions based on the family and their replacement
by purposively constructed organizations. In his view, modern sociology
s task is to guide this process of social engineering that will substitute
obsolete forms of control based on primordial ties with rationally devised material
and status incentives (Coleman 1988b, 1993). The function of social
capital for social control is also evident whenever the concept is discussed in
conjunction with the law (Smart 1993, Weede 1992). It is as well the central
focus when it is defined as a property of collectivities such as cities or nations.
This latter approach, associated mainly with the writings of political scientists,
is discussed in a following section.
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