Like other royalists, what has driven Chulabhorn’s political mission could have been her sense of insecurity and anxiety over the imminent royal succession, the process in which she is likely to be further alienated. Whether it will be a power struggle between her two siblings, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn and Princess Sirindhorn, or whether they will be a détente between them for the sake of the monarchy’s survival in the new age, Chulabhorn will not be a part of that royal power rearrangement. Sensing that the Thaksin clans may come to dominate the political space once her father passes from the scene, Chulabhorn has thrown herself into the political ring, hoping to exercise the prerogative of the palace to emasculate her political enemies. After all, the monarchy has remained a sacred institution, even to a less extent at the present day.
Chulabhorn is not covered by the draconian lèse-majesté law. Yet, defenders of the monarchy were more than willing to stretch this law to protect Chulabhorn, as shown in the case of Thai historian, Somsak Jeamthirasakul, who criticized her appearance on a televised talk show in 2011, being investigated by the Thai authority on a possible charge of lèse-majesté. Chulabhorn encapsulates herself within the protective walls of lèse-majesté while continuing to breach the supposedly traditional rule of the monarchy being above politics.
The open intervention in politics of Chulabhorn suggests a sense of desperation on the part of the monarchy in defending its position. But such practice of indiscreet political intervention went against the usual modus operandi of the monarchy, that of operating mostly behind the scene. And this surely was responsible for the rise of the anti-monarchy sentiment and as a result the rapid decline of the royal reverence, which had carefully been built up by her father, Bhumibol, over the past decades.