หน้า 73
*** ตารางสแกนไม่ได้ ***
Figure 4.1 Classifying ideologies
This was formalised in the theological and political doctrine of the
‘two swords’ - secular and clerical authority supporting each other
and respecting each other’s spheres of influence. In effect there was a
division of powers with, as we have seen, the Church administering
areas of family and property law and having its own taxes (tithes).
หน้า 74
There was royal influence over Church appointments and churchmen
often manned the royal administration. However, the power of
the Church to place a kingdom under an interdict (preventing the
faithful from taking part in the full range of religious observances)
constituted in many ways a more powerful weapon than the armies
of kings, or the emperor.
It was only after the development of the modern idea of state
sovereignty (e.g. as by Bodin in his Republic of 1576) and especially
after the assumption of leadership over the Christian Church in their
countries by Protestant kings (starting with Henry _VIlI) that the
more radical idea of the divine right of kings became established. As
parliamentary forces in seventeenth-century England increasingly
stressed the idea of popular sovereignty, the Stuart kings were
increasingly attracted to the idea that countries could only have one
sovereign and that he held authority from God not man. In countries
like France in which republics were founded, the restoration of the
power of an executive, rather than figurehead, monarchy became
increasingly the trademark of anti-democratic and ultra-conservative
forces.
In other countries that retained a monarchy, a pro—monarchist
position might be combined with a more moderate stance (as in
nineteenth-century Germany where Bismarck combined social
reformism and nationalism in a politically powerful combination
with monarchism). Paradoxically, in recent years in Spain the
monarch has used his appeal to the right to help engineer a return to
constitutional democracy.
THE RADICAL RIGHT: NAZISM AND FASCISM
In contemporary circumstances, however, the forces which are
generally seen as furthest to the right are not those of monarchism
but those of fascism or Nazism. In many ways such movements are
the furthest removed from the democratic centre since they deny the
legitimacy of the idea of democracy and of universal human rights,
whilst the extreme left — in the shape of communists — have generally
claimed the symbolism of democracy and frequently claimed to be
more democratic than liberal democrats.
Hitler's ‘National Socialist’ Party was not without a populist
strand in that the ‘Fuhrer’ (leader) was seen as representing the true
หน้า 75
interests of the German ’Volk’ (people) more completely than any
democratic process could do. It was also, in rhetoric at least, anti-
ca-pitalist — with capitalism seen as a Jewish conspiracy to rob the Volk of its birthright. The state was seen as the embodiment of the public good and clearly had the responsibility to organise the economy, the educational system and the whole of social and cultural life. A major emphasis of the movement was on the mobilisation of the German people through a single party using the modern technology of mass communication.
In practice Nazism was dominated by the urge for power of its elite
and their commitment to xenophobia, racism and nationalism. The
urge to right the perceived wrong of the Versailles settlement of 1919
and strong nationalist feelings (shared by many Germans) was
elaborated into a nightmare doctrine. The right of an ’Aryan’ master
race to ‘living space’ to the East and to cleanse itself of ‘alien’
elements such as Gypsies and Iews as well as to eliminate any
mentally or physically defective specimens of their own race was
asserted. The attempt to implement a state based on these doctrines
resulted in the deaths of millions across the whole planet (the
Holocaust).
Hitler's views, articulated in Mein Kampf (’My Struggle’), built in
many ways upon more orthodox conservative German political
theorists and philosophers. Hegel [177O—1831], for instance, had
stressed the importance of a strong state, its role in defining culture
and the existence of a logic (or dialectic) of history which justified war
by superior states upon inferior ones. Schopenhauer [1780-1860]
glorified Will over Reason. Nietzsche [1844-1900] believed in the
creation of a race of superior individuals. Views like these were
combined with carefully selected ’scientific’ findings about natural
selection _and the nature of human racial divisions to create an
ideology which had a powerful appeal in the politically volatile
atmosphere of an economically depressed Germany in the 1930s.
Italian fascism, by contrast,_although drawing upon many of the
same causes of social and political discontent and using many of the
same methods to achieve power — street warfare and mass rallies for
instance — placed much less emphasis on racism. As an alternative to democracy the appeal of the leader was combined with an attempt to create a corporatist structure of representation in which bodies such as the Church, the army and employers’ associations and even
หน้า 73ตารางสแกนไม่ได้ ***รูป 4.1 Classifying เพื่อเผยแพร่อุดมการณ์นี้ถูก formalised ในลัทธิศาสนศาสตร์ และการเมืองของการ'สองดาบ' - อำนาจทางโลก และเสมียนที่สนับสนุนกันและเคารพในสิทธิของผู้อื่นทรงกลมของ influence ผลมีการแบ่งอำนาจกับ เราได้เห็น ดูแลคริสตจักรพื้นที่ของครอบครัว และลักษณะของกฎหมาย และมีภาษีของตนเอง (ถวายทรัพย์) หน้า 74 มี influence รอยัลคริสตจักรการนัดหมายและ churchmenมัก manned บริหารรอยัล อย่างไรก็ตาม อำนาจของคริสตจักรเพื่อราชอาณาจักรภายใต้โทษต้องห้าม (ป้องกันการซื่อสัตย์จากการมีส่วนร่วมในช่วงเต็มของ observances ทางศาสนา)ทะลักในอาวุธที่มีประสิทธิภาพมากขึ้นกว่ากองทัพพระมหากษัตริย์ หรือจักรพรรดิ มันเป็นหลังจากการพัฒนาของความคิดสมัยใหม่ของรัฐอำนาจอธิปไตย (เช่นโดย Bodin ในสาธารณรัฐ 1576 ของเขา) และโดยเฉพาะอย่างยิ่งหลังจากสมมติฐานของภาวะผู้นำผ่านโบสถ์คริสต์ในของพวกเขาประเทศ โดยกษัตริย์ฝ่ายโปรเตสแตนต์ (เริ่มต้นกับเฮนรี่ _VIlI) ที่จะกลายเป็นสร้างความคิดรุนแรงมากขึ้นในเทวสิทธิ์ของพระมหากษัตริย์ เป็นรัฐสภาบังคับในอังกฤษศตวรรษที่ seventeenth มากขึ้นเน้นความคิดนิยมอธิปไตย สจ๊วตที่มีพระมหากษัตริย์ดึงดูดมากขึ้นกับความคิดที่ว่า ประเทศจะมีเพียงหนึ่งโซเวอเรนที่เขาขึ้นอำนาจจากพระเจ้าที่มนุษย์ไม่ ในประเทศlike France in which republics were founded, the restoration of thepower of an executive, rather than figurehead, monarchy becameincreasingly the trademark of anti-democratic and ultra-conservativeforces. In other countries that retained a monarchy, a pro—monarchistposition might be combined with a more moderate stance (as innineteenth-century Germany where Bismarck combined socialreformism and nationalism in a politically powerful combinationwith monarchism). Paradoxically, in recent years in Spain themonarch has used his appeal to the right to help engineer a return toconstitutional democracy. THE RADICAL RIGHT: NAZISM AND FASCISMIn contemporary circumstances, however, the forces which aregenerally seen as furthest to the right are not those of monarchismbut those of fascism or Nazism. In many ways such movements arethe furthest removed from the democratic centre since they deny thelegitimacy of the idea of democracy and of universal human rights,whilst the extreme left — in the shape of communists — have generallyclaimed the symbolism of democracy and frequently claimed to bemore democratic than liberal democrats.Hitler's ‘National Socialist’ Party was not without a populiststrand in that the ‘Fuhrer’ (leader) was seen as representing the trueหน้า 75interests of the German ’Volk’ (people) more completely than anydemocratic process could do. It was also, in rhetoric at least, anti-ca-pitalist — with capitalism seen as a Jewish conspiracy to rob the Volk of its birthright. The state was seen as the embodiment of the public good and clearly had the responsibility to organise the economy, the educational system and the whole of social and cultural life. A major emphasis of the movement was on the mobilisation of the German people through a single party using the modern technology of mass communication. In practice Nazism was dominated by the urge for power of its eliteand their commitment to xenophobia, racism and nationalism. Theurge to right the perceived wrong of the Versailles settlement of 1919and strong nationalist feelings (shared by many Germans) waselaborated into a nightmare doctrine. The right of an ’Aryan’ masterrace to ‘living space’ to the East and to cleanse itself of ‘alien’elements such as Gypsies and Iews as well as to eliminate anymentally or physically defective specimens of their own race wasasserted. The attempt to implement a state based on these doctrinesresulted in the deaths of millions across the whole planet (theHolocaust). Hitler's views, articulated in Mein Kampf (’My Struggle’), built inmany ways upon more orthodox conservative German politicaltheorists and philosophers. Hegel [177O—1831], for instance, hadstressed the importance of a strong state, its role in defining cultureand the existence of a logic (or dialectic) of history which justified warby superior states upon inferior ones. Schopenhauer [1780-1860]glorified Will over Reason. Nietzsche [1844-1900] believed in thecreation of a race of superior individuals. Views like these werecombined with carefully selected ’scientific’ findings about naturalselection _and the nature of human racial divisions to create anideology which had a powerful appeal in the politically volatileatmosphere of an economically depressed Germany in the 1930s. Italian fascism, by contrast,_although drawing upon many of thesame causes of social and political discontent and using many of thesame methods to achieve power — street warfare and mass rallies forinstance — placed much less emphasis on racism. As an alternative to democracy the appeal of the leader was combined with an attempt to create a corporatist structure of representation in which bodies such as the Church, the army and employers’ associations and even
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