A third pattern of emotional movement centres on festivity, play and games, related to popular identity. Here, all people can participate, whether old or young, male or female, folk from different ethnic origins and different languages, top athletes as well as people with disabilities.
In popular festivity, the differences within the group are not treated by streamlining or by seeking uniformity, but by displaying or even exaggerating differences, often in grotesque and carnival-like forms. In popular festival, people play theatre, using funny roles and masks. The social logic here is one of displaying the dialectic of identity and non-identity, of ‘who I am’ and otherness. The eccentricity of popular culture follows the logic of mutual communication: the truth is neither here nor there, but it is in-between.
The emotional atmosphere and the feeling of ‘we’ in popular festivity and games are produced by encounters, people meeting as ‘brothers and sisters’ in a temporary community of participation. In this situation, tradition and surprise are mixed as well as competition and laughter, skill and drunkenness. Local associations may function as elements of continuity, but the festive encounter is the important event – a moment of discontinuity, surprise and becoming ‘high’ in the here-and-now.
Before the rise of modern social movements, popular games and rural, as well as urban, festivities dominated the field of what today is called ‘sport’.41 The majority of people met in competitions, dances, play and game, which were not ‘sport’ but parts of a carnival culture of laughter. During the nineteenth century, these games and festivities became marginalized by the modern movement cultures of gymnastics and sports. These, however, also adopted some elements of popular culture as a sort of ‘underground’ dimension, and festivity made up an important part of all dynamic ‘people's movements’. Furthermore, some pedagogical versions of the games were transferred into educational sports, but on the way they lost their connection with festivity. During the 1970/80s, however, the games reappeared in New Games festivals. Laughter seems no longer to be a suspected underground dimension of sports.
What nowadays is called ‘Sport for all’ is often a mixture of popular festivity and gymnastic mass sport. It is therefore a field of diffuse and composed identities. Perhaps today's youth movement culture is the true descendent of these popular festivals.42 Boarders of many varieties – snow, skate, surf, wake – develop their activities in ways which distance them from traditional sports and organized activities. They meet in non-organized and informal ways to play and demonstrate their expressivity in mutual communication. There are codes in terms of appearance and movement, and there is often an emphasis on skill and performance, but there are no formal hierarchies or ranking lists. Movement patterns and techniques are developed in direct encounters and in a communicative atmosphere of openness and creativity.
Boarders have developed their activities as alternatives, and in opposition, to organized sport. This has led to a series of tensions especially in the Nordic countries with their strong mass sport movements – folkebevegelser. A prominent case was delivered by one of the world's best snowboarders, the Norwegian Terje Haakonsen, who rejected the Norwegian Olympic Committee and declined participation in the 1998 Nagano Winter Games. The emotional atmosphere of freedom, creativity and informal community ran counter to what Haakonsen described as the hierarchical and corrupt ‘oligarchy’ of the IOC.43
Of course, one should not idealize the board culture. In the case of snowboarding for instance, there are strong commercial interests involved, which sometimes require the same kind of loyalty and discipline as the nation state in previous times. However, as a mass sport, the broad cultures represent similar social logic and emotional atmospheres as are found in folkelig idræt.44
A third pattern of emotional movement centres on festivity, play and games, related to popular identity. Here, all people can participate, whether old or young, male or female, folk from different ethnic origins and different languages, top athletes as well as people with disabilities.
In popular festivity, the differences within the group are not treated by streamlining or by seeking uniformity, but by displaying or even exaggerating differences, often in grotesque and carnival-like forms. In popular festival, people play theatre, using funny roles and masks. The social logic here is one of displaying the dialectic of identity and non-identity, of ‘who I am’ and otherness. The eccentricity of popular culture follows the logic of mutual communication: the truth is neither here nor there, but it is in-between.
The emotional atmosphere and the feeling of ‘we’ in popular festivity and games are produced by encounters, people meeting as ‘brothers and sisters’ in a temporary community of participation. In this situation, tradition and surprise are mixed as well as competition and laughter, skill and drunkenness. Local associations may function as elements of continuity, but the festive encounter is the important event – a moment of discontinuity, surprise and becoming ‘high’ in the here-and-now.
Before the rise of modern social movements, popular games and rural, as well as urban, festivities dominated the field of what today is called ‘sport’.41 The majority of people met in competitions, dances, play and game, which were not ‘sport’ but parts of a carnival culture of laughter. During the nineteenth century, these games and festivities became marginalized by the modern movement cultures of gymnastics and sports. These, however, also adopted some elements of popular culture as a sort of ‘underground’ dimension, and festivity made up an important part of all dynamic ‘people's movements’. Furthermore, some pedagogical versions of the games were transferred into educational sports, but on the way they lost their connection with festivity. During the 1970/80s, however, the games reappeared in New Games festivals. Laughter seems no longer to be a suspected underground dimension of sports.
What nowadays is called ‘Sport for all’ is often a mixture of popular festivity and gymnastic mass sport. It is therefore a field of diffuse and composed identities. Perhaps today's youth movement culture is the true descendent of these popular festivals.42 Boarders of many varieties – snow, skate, surf, wake – develop their activities in ways which distance them from traditional sports and organized activities. They meet in non-organized and informal ways to play and demonstrate their expressivity in mutual communication. There are codes in terms of appearance and movement, and there is often an emphasis on skill and performance, but there are no formal hierarchies or ranking lists. Movement patterns and techniques are developed in direct encounters and in a communicative atmosphere of openness and creativity.
Boarders have developed their activities as alternatives, and in opposition, to organized sport. This has led to a series of tensions especially in the Nordic countries with their strong mass sport movements – folkebevegelser. A prominent case was delivered by one of the world's best snowboarders, the Norwegian Terje Haakonsen, who rejected the Norwegian Olympic Committee and declined participation in the 1998 Nagano Winter Games. The emotional atmosphere of freedom, creativity and informal community ran counter to what Haakonsen described as the hierarchical and corrupt ‘oligarchy’ of the IOC.43
Of course, one should not idealize the board culture. In the case of snowboarding for instance, there are strong commercial interests involved, which sometimes require the same kind of loyalty and discipline as the nation state in previous times. However, as a mass sport, the broad cultures represent similar social logic and emotional atmospheres as are found in folkelig idræt.44
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