eople are not passively affected by technology, but actively shape its use and influence (Fischer
1992, Hughes & Hans 2001). The Internet has unique, even transformational qualities as a
communication channel, including relative anonymity and the ability to easily link with others
who have similar interests, values, and beliefs. Research has found that the relative anonymity
aspect encourages self-expression, and the relative absence of physical and nonverbal interaction
cues (e.g., attractiveness) facilitates the formation of relationships on other, deeper bases such as
shared values and beliefs. At the same time, however, these “limited bandwidth” features of
Internet communication also tend to leave a lot unsaid and unspecified, and open to inference
and interpretation. Not surprisingly, then, one’s own desires and goals regarding the people with
whom one interacts have been found to make a dramatic difference in the assumptions and
attributions one makes within that informational void.
Despite past media headlines to the contrary, the Internet does not make its users depressed or
lonely, and it does not seem to be a threat to community life---quite the opposite, in fact. If
anything, the Internet, mainly through e-mail, has facilitated communication and thus close ties
between family and friends, especially those too far away to visit in person on a regular basis.
The Internet can be fertile territory for the formation of new relationships as well, especially
those based on shared values and interests as opposed to attractiveness and physical appearance
as is the norm in the off-line world (see Hatfield & Sprecher 1986). And in any event, when
these Internet-formed relationships get close enough (i.e., when sufficient trust has been
established), people tend to bring them into their “real world”---that is, the traditional face-toface
and telephone interaction sphere. This means nearly all of the typical person’s close friends
will be in touch with them in “real life”---on the phone or in person---and not so much over the
Internet, which gives the lie to the media stereotype of the Internet as drawing people away from
their “real-life” friends.
Still, the advent of the Internet is likely to produce dramatic changes in our daily lives. For
example, together with high-speed computing and encryption technology it already plays a
significant role in crime and terrorism by enabling private communication across any distance
without being detected (Ballard et al. 2002, p. 1010). And we quite rightly have been warned that
repressive regimes may harness the Internet and all of the data banks that connect to it to
increase their power over the population (Manasian 2003, p. 23; Shapiro 1999). A step in this
18
direction is the 2001 “Patriot Act,” (enacted in the United States following the September 11
attacks) which called for the technology to monitor the content of Internet traffic to be built into
the Internet’s very infrastructure. However, these important issues concerning the Internet lie
outside of our purview in this chapter.
We emphasize, in closing, one potentially great benefit of the Internet for social-psychological
research and theorizing: by providing a contrasting alternative to the usual face-to-face
interaction environment. As Lea & Spears (1995) and O’Sullivan (1996) have noted, studying
how relationships form and are maintained on the Internet brings into focus the implicit
assumptions and biases of our traditional (face-to- face) relationship and communication
research literatures (see Cathcart & Gumpert 1983)---most especially the assumptions that faceto-
face interactions, physical proximity, and nonverbal communication are necessary and
essential to the processes of relating to each other effectively. By providing an alternative
interaction setting in which interactions and relationships play by somewhat different rules, and
have somewhat different outcomes, the Internet sheds light on those aspects of face-to-face
interaction that we may have missed all along. Tyler (2002), for example, reacting to the research
findings on Internet interaction, wonders whether it is the presence of physical features that
makes face-to-face interaction what it is, or is it instead the immediacy of responses (compared
to e-mail)? That’s a question we never knew to ask before.
Our review has revealed many cases and situations in which social interaction over the
Internet is preferred and leads to better outcomes than in traditional interaction venues, as well as
those in which it doesn’t. As the Internet becomes ever more a part of our daily lives, the trick
for us will be to know the difference. But it is reassuring that the evidence thus far shows people
to be adapting pretty well to the brave new wired (and soon to be wireless) social world.e”
eople are not passively affected by technology, but actively shape its use and influence (Fischer
1992, Hughes & Hans 2001). The Internet has unique, even transformational qualities as a
communication channel, including relative anonymity and the ability to easily link with others
who have similar interests, values, and beliefs. Research has found that the relative anonymity
aspect encourages self-expression, and the relative absence of physical and nonverbal interaction
cues (e.g., attractiveness) facilitates the formation of relationships on other, deeper bases such as
shared values and beliefs. At the same time, however, these “limited bandwidth” features of
Internet communication also tend to leave a lot unsaid and unspecified, and open to inference
and interpretation. Not surprisingly, then, one’s own desires and goals regarding the people with
whom one interacts have been found to make a dramatic difference in the assumptions and
attributions one makes within that informational void.
Despite past media headlines to the contrary, the Internet does not make its users depressed or
lonely, and it does not seem to be a threat to community life---quite the opposite, in fact. If
anything, the Internet, mainly through e-mail, has facilitated communication and thus close ties
between family and friends, especially those too far away to visit in person on a regular basis.
The Internet can be fertile territory for the formation of new relationships as well, especially
those based on shared values and interests as opposed to attractiveness and physical appearance
as is the norm in the off-line world (see Hatfield & Sprecher 1986). And in any event, when
these Internet-formed relationships get close enough (i.e., when sufficient trust has been
established), people tend to bring them into their “real world”---that is, the traditional face-toface
and telephone interaction sphere. This means nearly all of the typical person’s close friends
will be in touch with them in “real life”---on the phone or in person---and not so much over the
Internet, which gives the lie to the media stereotype of the Internet as drawing people away from
their “real-life” friends.
Still, the advent of the Internet is likely to produce dramatic changes in our daily lives. For
example, together with high-speed computing and encryption technology it already plays a
significant role in crime and terrorism by enabling private communication across any distance
without being detected (Ballard et al. 2002, p. 1010). And we quite rightly have been warned that
repressive regimes may harness the Internet and all of the data banks that connect to it to
increase their power over the population (Manasian 2003, p. 23; Shapiro 1999). A step in this
18
direction is the 2001 “Patriot Act,” (enacted in the United States following the September 11
attacks) which called for the technology to monitor the content of Internet traffic to be built into
the Internet’s very infrastructure. However, these important issues concerning the Internet lie
outside of our purview in this chapter.
We emphasize, in closing, one potentially great benefit of the Internet for social-psychological
research and theorizing: by providing a contrasting alternative to the usual face-to-face
interaction environment. As Lea & Spears (1995) and O’Sullivan (1996) have noted, studying
how relationships form and are maintained on the Internet brings into focus the implicit
assumptions and biases of our traditional (face-to- face) relationship and communication
research literatures (see Cathcart & Gumpert 1983)---most especially the assumptions that faceto-
face interactions, physical proximity, and nonverbal communication are necessary and
essential to the processes of relating to each other effectively. By providing an alternative
interaction setting in which interactions and relationships play by somewhat different rules, and
have somewhat different outcomes, the Internet sheds light on those aspects of face-to-face
interaction that we may have missed all along. Tyler (2002), for example, reacting to the research
findings on Internet interaction, wonders whether it is the presence of physical features that
makes face-to-face interaction what it is, or is it instead the immediacy of responses (compared
to e-mail)? That’s a question we never knew to ask before.
Our review has revealed many cases and situations in which social interaction over the
Internet is preferred and leads to better outcomes than in traditional interaction venues, as well as
those in which it doesn’t. As the Internet becomes ever more a part of our daily lives, the trick
for us will be to know the difference. But it is reassuring that the evidence thus far shows people
to be adapting pretty well to the brave new wired (and soon to be wireless) social world.e”
การแปล กรุณารอสักครู่..