Prior to 1868, most Japanese more readily identified with their feudal domain rather than the idea of "Japan" as a whole. When the Tokugawa bakufu was overthrown, the leaders of the revolt, Satsuma and Chōshū were ideologically opposed to the house of Tokugawa since the Battle of Sekigahara. The Meiji period changed all of that. With the introduction of mass education, conscription, industrialization, centralization, and successful foreign wars, Japanese nationalism began to foment as a powerful force in society. Mass education and conscription served as a means to indoctrinate the coming generation with "the idea of Japan" as a nation instead of a series of daimyō. In this way, loyalty to feudal domains was supplanted with loyalty to the state. Industrialization and centralization gave Japanese a strong sense that their country could rival Western powers technologically and socially. Moreover, successful foreign wars gave the populace a sense of martial pride in their nation.
The rise of Japanese nationalism paralleled the growth of nationalism within the West. Certain conservatives such as Gondō Seikei and Asahi Heigo saw the rapid industrialization of Japan as something that had to be tempered. It seemed, for a time, that Japan was becoming too "Westernized" and that if left unimpeded, something intrinsically Japanese would be lost. During the Meiji period, such nationalists railed against the unequal treaties, but in the years following the First World War, Western criticism of Japanese imperial ambitions and restrictions on Japanese immigration changed the focus of the nationalist movement in Japan.
Japanese nationalism was buoyed by a romantic concept of Bushidō and driven by a modern concern for rapid industrial development and strategic dominance in East Asia. It saw the Triple Intervention of 1895 as a threat to Japanese survival in East Asia and warned that the "ABCD Powers" (Americans, British, Chinese, and Dutch) were threatening the Empire of Japan. Their only solution was conquest and war.
During the first part of the Shōwa era, racial discrimination against other Asians was habitual in Imperial Japan, having begun with the start of Japanese colonialism.[7] The Shōwa regime thus preached racial superiority and racialist theories, based on sacred nature of the Yamato-damashii. One of emperor Shōwa's teachers, historian Kurakichi Shiratori, remarked, "Therefore nothing in the world compares to the divine nature (shinsei) of the imperial house and likewise the majesty of our national polity (kokutai). Here is one great reason for Japan's superiority."[8]
The Anti-Comintern Pact brought Nazi ideologues to Japan who attempted but ultimately failed to inject Nazi-style anti-Semitic arguments into mainstream public discussion. Where the government presented the popular image of Jews, it was not so much to persecute but to strengthen domestic ideological uniformity.[9]
The anti-Semitic policies of Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany were refused when foreign minister of Japan Yōsuke Matsuoka stated that: "Nowhere have I promised that we would carry out his anti-Semitic policies in Japan. This is not simply my personal opinion, it is the opinion of Japan, and I have no compunction about announcing it to the world."[10]
Imperial Japanese Army general Kiichiro Higuchi and colonel Norihiro Yasue allowed 20,000 Jews to enter Manchukuo in 1938. Higuchi and Yasue were well regarded for their actions and were subsequently invited to the independence ceremonies of the State of Israel. Diplomat Chiune Sugihara wrote travel visas for over 6,000 Lithuanian Jews to flee the German occupation and travel to Japan. In 1985, Israel honored him as Righteous Among the Nations for his actions.
Prior to 1868, most Japanese more readily identified with their feudal domain rather than the idea of "Japan" as a whole. When the Tokugawa bakufu was overthrown, the leaders of the revolt, Satsuma and Chōshū were ideologically opposed to the house of Tokugawa since the Battle of Sekigahara. The Meiji period changed all of that. With the introduction of mass education, conscription, industrialization, centralization, and successful foreign wars, Japanese nationalism began to foment as a powerful force in society. Mass education and conscription served as a means to indoctrinate the coming generation with "the idea of Japan" as a nation instead of a series of daimyō. In this way, loyalty to feudal domains was supplanted with loyalty to the state. Industrialization and centralization gave Japanese a strong sense that their country could rival Western powers technologically and socially. Moreover, successful foreign wars gave the populace a sense of martial pride in their nation.เพิ่มขึ้นของชาตินิยมญี่ปุ่นแห่งดวงเจริญเติบโตของชาตินิยมในตะวันตก อนุรักษ์นิยมบาง Gondō Seikei และ Asahi Heigo เห็นทวีความรุนแรงมากอย่างรวดเร็วของญี่ปุ่นเป็นสิ่งที่ต้องมีอารมณ์ เหมือน เวลา ที่ญี่ปุ่นได้กลายเป็นมากเกินไป "Westernized" และว่า ถ้าซ้ายไม่มีข้อจำกัด สิ่งทำญี่ปุ่นจะหายไป ในช่วงยุคเมจิ nationalists เช่น railed กับสนธิสัญญาที่ไม่เท่ากัน แต่ในปีต่อไปนี้สงครามโลกครั้งหนึ่ง วิจารณ์ความทะเยอทะยานอิมพีเรียลที่ญี่ปุ่นและข้อจำกัดในการตรวจคนเข้าเมืองญี่ปุ่นตะวันตกเปลี่ยนโฟกัสของขบวนการชาตินิยมในประเทศญี่ปุ่นชาตินิยมญี่ปุ่น buoyed โดยแนวคิดโรแมนติกของ Bushidō และขับเคลื่อน ด้วยความกังวลที่ทันสมัยสำหรับการพัฒนาอุตสาหกรรมอย่างรวดเร็วและครอบงำเชิงกลยุทธ์ในภูมิภาคเอเชียตะวันออก เห็นทริแทรกแซงของปีค.ศ. 1895 เพื่อเป็นเป็นภัยคุกคามต่อความอยู่รอดของญี่ปุ่นในเอเชียตะวันออก และเตือนว่า "ABCD อำนาจ" (อเมริกัน อังกฤษ จีน และภาษาดัตช์) ถูกคุกคามจักรวรรดิญี่ปุ่น โซลูชั่นของพวกเขาเท่านั้นชนะและการสงครามDuring the first part of the Shōwa era, racial discrimination against other Asians was habitual in Imperial Japan, having begun with the start of Japanese colonialism.[7] The Shōwa regime thus preached racial superiority and racialist theories, based on sacred nature of the Yamato-damashii. One of emperor Shōwa's teachers, historian Kurakichi Shiratori, remarked, "Therefore nothing in the world compares to the divine nature (shinsei) of the imperial house and likewise the majesty of our national polity (kokutai). Here is one great reason for Japan's superiority."[8]The Anti-Comintern Pact brought Nazi ideologues to Japan who attempted but ultimately failed to inject Nazi-style anti-Semitic arguments into mainstream public discussion. Where the government presented the popular image of Jews, it was not so much to persecute but to strengthen domestic ideological uniformity.[9]The anti-Semitic policies of Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany were refused when foreign minister of Japan Yōsuke Matsuoka stated that: "Nowhere have I promised that we would carry out his anti-Semitic policies in Japan. This is not simply my personal opinion, it is the opinion of Japan, and I have no compunction about announcing it to the world."[10]กองทัพญี่ปุ่นทั่วไป Kiichiro Higuchi และพัน Norihiro Yasue อิมพีเรียลได้ 20000 ชาวยิวเพื่อป้อนประเทศแมนจูในค.ศ. 1938 Higuchi และ Yasue ถือได้ดีสำหรับการดำเนินการของพวกเขา และได้เชิญพิธีประกาศอิสรภาพของรัฐอิสราเอลในเวลาต่อมา ดิโพลแมท Chiune Sugihara เขียนวีซ่าท่องเที่ยวสำหรับชาวยิวลิทัวเนีย 6000 กว่าหนีอาชีพภาษาเยอรมัน และการเดินทางไปญี่ปุ่น ในปี 1985 อิสราเอลยกย่องเขาเป็นผู้ชอบธรรมในหมู่ประชาชาติสำหรับการดำเนินการของเขา
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