5 The resource mobilizationperspective
The oldest genuine sociological approach to social movements and political protest
that is still widely applied is the resource mobilization perspective – sometimes
called “solidarity theory” or “resource management approach.” We prefer the term
“resource mobilization perspective” (RMP). The basic article is “Resource
Mobilization and Social Movements” by John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald
from 1977. We will first present their theoretical perspective and show the implicit
causal structure of their propositions. We further propose a causal model, based on
the authors’ orienting statements. Other topics of this chapter are a suggestion for a
definition of “resources” and “mobilization,” a detailed critical analysis of the
approach, and some theoretical suggestions on the conditions when resources are
mobilized and when resources affect political action.1
1. Resources, grievances, and strategic actors: J. D. McCarthy
and M. N. Zald’s theory
The main target of the authors is the deprivation and relative deprivation approach
advanced by authors such as Gurr (1970), Turner and Killian (1972), and Smelser
(1963). One of the major assumptions of this work is that variables like discontent,
generalized beliefs, or ideological justifications give rise to protest behavior.
Another assumption is that structural conditions influence discontent. McCarthy
and Zald list several studies that cast doubt on the validity of these assumptions.
The authors suggest a new approach in which movements are regarded as political
actors who have goals which they try to achieve by using unconventional means.
The authors call their approach a “partial theory” (1213, 1237 – numbers in
parenthesis refer to pages of McCarthy and Zald’s article). This means that certain
conditions are regarded as given. For example, the theory is based upon the
American case and uses case material of the left, and, thus, ignores organizations of
the right. It is not explored in detail what exactly this means for the validity of the
propositions. Do the propositions not hold true for organizations of the right or are
organizations of the left only illustrative cases for the theory, so that using case
material of the left does not affect the validity of the theory? Furthermore, in the formulation
of their specific hypotheses (1224–1236) the authors repeatedly point out
that other conditions are relevant (see, e.g., their comments on hypothesis 1 on
p. 1225). But what exactly the effects of these additional variables are is not clear.
Does it mean, for example, that the propositions are wrong if other conditions
obtain? Or does it mean that the other conditions are additive variables that explain
a greater variance?
In a review of their approach, the authors state that the theory holds under certain
scope conditions (Zald and McCarthy 2002: 150–151). In short, the setting where
the hypotheses are supposed to hold is a free society where voluntary associations
can be founded, where freedom of speech is accepted, where mass media may
report protests and grievances, and where small groups cannot gain legislative
office. Perhaps this is what “partial theory” means: the theory is “partial” in the
sense that it holds only under certain conditions. We will discuss these scope conditions
later in this chapter.
The subject of the theory
The focus of the authors’ article is “the dynamics and tactics of social movement
growth, decline, and change” (1213). In addition, the authors are concerned with
the “success” of a movement (1213, 1216). The units of analysis are thus social
movements and other collective actors and not individual actors.2
Taken literally, explaining the “growth” of a movement means that a movement
already exists. But when one looks at existing research and reviews of the approach,
the emergence of movements is clearly supposed to be the subject of the perspective
as well. This is also the subject of the specific propositions to be discussed
below. Perhaps “growth” of a movement also implies that a movement comes into
existence, i.e. “grows” from non-existence to existence.
It is important to note that neither protest behavior nor the mobilization of
resources is mentioned as the subject of the theory. Initiating protests and mobilizing
resources would count as tactics of a social movement.
The orienting propositions
Before the authors suggest a detailed causal model they list some variables that they
think are important to explain social movement phenomena. What exactly these
variables explain is not clear. The authors’ propositions are thus orienting statements
and not full-fledged theoretical propositions. The perspective “emphasizes”
(1213) the relevance of the following factors (1213, 1216, 1222, 1236):
1 social support and constraint of social movement phenomena (1213);
2 existing variety of resources that must be mobilized (1213);
3 linkages of social movements to other groups (1213);
4 external support as a condition for the success of a movement (1213);
5 tactics used by authorities to control or incorporate movements (1213);
6 the aggregation of resources such a money, labor and facilities “is crucial to an
understanding of social movement activity” (1216);
7 some minimal form of organization (1216);
128 The resource mobilization perspective
8 involvement of individuals and organizations from outside is of “crucial
importance” for “a movement’s successes and failures” (1216);
9 infrastructure such as communication media and expense, levels of affluence,
degree of access to institutional centers, pre-existing networks, and occupational
structure and growth (1217, 1225);
10 exercise of social control or repression of authorities (1222, 1225);
11 entrepreneurial attempts to meet preference demand (1236);
12 political freedom (1225).
What are the dependent variables? It is not clear what exactly the effects of the variables
listed above are. For example, what is the impact of “social support and constraint
of social movement phenomena” (no. 1 in the list)? Will we expect that high
social support in a population and small constraints have a positive effect on the
growth or the success or the stability of a movement or on all three? No. 6 states that
the aggregation of resources such as money, labor and facilities “is crucial to an
understanding of social movement activity.” The variable to be explained here is
not growth, success, or stability of a movement but what the movement or its
activists do; but the kind of activity is left open. This is a clear orienting statement:
it is only said that a variable has some effect on movement actions, but the reader is
not told what exactly the effect is.
Can these factors explain the emergence of a new movement? Some of the variables
presuppose that a movement exists already. This holds, for example, for no. 4
in the list: “external support as a condition for the success of a movement” implies
that there is already a movement. Factors 9 to 11 could refer to a situation where
movements do not yet exist and where the emergence of a movement is likely.
The authors further describe the “strategic tasks” of social movements: these are
“mobilizing supporters, neutralizing and/or transforming mass and elite publics
into sympathizers, achieving change in targets” (1217). This seems to suggest that
if these tasks are fulfilled movements will grow and succeed. Again, these are orienting
hypotheses which are – at least in part – included in the previous list.
The authors refer several times to costs and rewards that are important for individual
behavior. They also mention Olson’s theory. But they never show how
exactly a cost-benefit approach fits into their macro propositions. We will return to
this question later on when we discuss the RMP.
The role of grievances
The authors argue that there is “ambiguous evidence” (1215) for the assumption
that deprivation (i.e. grievances) and relative deprivation are key variables for the
explanation of protest behavior and social movements. The conclusion from this
research is not, as one would suspect, that deprivation is no longer considered to be
an explanatory variable. Instead, the authors “want to move from a strong assumption
about the centrality of deprivation and grievances to a weak one, which makes
them a component, indeed, sometimes a secondary component in the generation of
social movements” (1215).
The resource mobilization perspective 129
What exactly could it mean to “lessen the prevailing emphasis on grievances”
(1215)? Assume that the “old” theory asserts that deprivations are a cause for
protest and that the size of their effect is b1:
Old theory T1: Protest1 = a1 + b1 Deprivation + b2 OtherFactors
Thus, if deprivation increases by one unit then protest rises by b1 units – if other factors
remain constant. If it is claimed that a new theory “emphasizes” the effects of
a factor less than older theories, this could mean that b1 in the older theory is larger
than the respective coefficient in the new theory. If this coefficient is b’1, the new
theory would state:
New theory T2: Protest1= a1 + b1 Deprivation + b2 OtherFactors
b1 > b1.
Since it is left open what exactly the value of b1 in the “old” theory is, it is also not
clear whether any coefficient we estimate is larger or smaller than that in the “old”
theory. Or perhaps it is meant that the (standardized) coefficients of other variables
are larger than the coefficient of deprivation?
The authors’ proposition about the role of grievances can be interpreted differently.
In an earlier paper the authors argue that the RMP “does not necessarily deny
the existence of grievances. It stresses the structural conditions that facilitate the
expression of grievances” (McCarthy and Zald 1973: 1). Similarly, in an article
where the authors review their approach they assert that “groups with few resource
5 The resource mobilizationperspective
The oldest genuine sociological approach to social movements and political protest
that is still widely applied is the resource mobilization perspective – sometimes
called “solidarity theory” or “resource management approach.” We prefer the term
“resource mobilization perspective” (RMP). The basic article is “Resource
Mobilization and Social Movements” by John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald
from 1977. We will first present their theoretical perspective and show the implicit
causal structure of their propositions. We further propose a causal model, based on
the authors’ orienting statements. Other topics of this chapter are a suggestion for a
definition of “resources” and “mobilization,” a detailed critical analysis of the
approach, and some theoretical suggestions on the conditions when resources are
mobilized and when resources affect political action.1
1. Resources, grievances, and strategic actors: J. D. McCarthy
and M. N. Zald’s theory
The main target of the authors is the deprivation and relative deprivation approach
advanced by authors such as Gurr (1970), Turner and Killian (1972), and Smelser
(1963). One of the major assumptions of this work is that variables like discontent,
generalized beliefs, or ideological justifications give rise to protest behavior.
Another assumption is that structural conditions influence discontent. McCarthy
and Zald list several studies that cast doubt on the validity of these assumptions.
The authors suggest a new approach in which movements are regarded as political
actors who have goals which they try to achieve by using unconventional means.
The authors call their approach a “partial theory” (1213, 1237 – numbers in
parenthesis refer to pages of McCarthy and Zald’s article). This means that certain
conditions are regarded as given. For example, the theory is based upon the
American case and uses case material of the left, and, thus, ignores organizations of
the right. It is not explored in detail what exactly this means for the validity of the
propositions. Do the propositions not hold true for organizations of the right or are
organizations of the left only illustrative cases for the theory, so that using case
material of the left does not affect the validity of the theory? Furthermore, in the formulation
of their specific hypotheses (1224–1236) the authors repeatedly point out
that other conditions are relevant (see, e.g., their comments on hypothesis 1 on
p. 1225). But what exactly the effects of these additional variables are is not clear.
Does it mean, for example, that the propositions are wrong if other conditions
obtain? Or does it mean that the other conditions are additive variables that explain
a greater variance?
In a review of their approach, the authors state that the theory holds under certain
scope conditions (Zald and McCarthy 2002: 150–151). In short, the setting where
the hypotheses are supposed to hold is a free society where voluntary associations
can be founded, where freedom of speech is accepted, where mass media may
report protests and grievances, and where small groups cannot gain legislative
office. Perhaps this is what “partial theory” means: the theory is “partial” in the
sense that it holds only under certain conditions. We will discuss these scope conditions
later in this chapter.
The subject of the theory
The focus of the authors’ article is “the dynamics and tactics of social movement
growth, decline, and change” (1213). In addition, the authors are concerned with
the “success” of a movement (1213, 1216). The units of analysis are thus social
movements and other collective actors and not individual actors.2
Taken literally, explaining the “growth” of a movement means that a movement
already exists. But when one looks at existing research and reviews of the approach,
the emergence of movements is clearly supposed to be the subject of the perspective
as well. This is also the subject of the specific propositions to be discussed
below. Perhaps “growth” of a movement also implies that a movement comes into
existence, i.e. “grows” from non-existence to existence.
It is important to note that neither protest behavior nor the mobilization of
resources is mentioned as the subject of the theory. Initiating protests and mobilizing
resources would count as tactics of a social movement.
The orienting propositions
Before the authors suggest a detailed causal model they list some variables that they
think are important to explain social movement phenomena. What exactly these
variables explain is not clear. The authors’ propositions are thus orienting statements
and not full-fledged theoretical propositions. The perspective “emphasizes”
(1213) the relevance of the following factors (1213, 1216, 1222, 1236):
1 social support and constraint of social movement phenomena (1213);
2 existing variety of resources that must be mobilized (1213);
3 linkages of social movements to other groups (1213);
4 external support as a condition for the success of a movement (1213);
5 tactics used by authorities to control or incorporate movements (1213);
6 the aggregation of resources such a money, labor and facilities “is crucial to an
understanding of social movement activity” (1216);
7 some minimal form of organization (1216);
128 The resource mobilization perspective
8 involvement of individuals and organizations from outside is of “crucial
importance” for “a movement’s successes and failures” (1216);
9 infrastructure such as communication media and expense, levels of affluence,
degree of access to institutional centers, pre-existing networks, and occupational
structure and growth (1217, 1225);
10 exercise of social control or repression of authorities (1222, 1225);
11 entrepreneurial attempts to meet preference demand (1236);
12 political freedom (1225).
What are the dependent variables? It is not clear what exactly the effects of the variables
listed above are. For example, what is the impact of “social support and constraint
of social movement phenomena” (no. 1 in the list)? Will we expect that high
social support in a population and small constraints have a positive effect on the
growth or the success or the stability of a movement or on all three? No. 6 states that
the aggregation of resources such as money, labor and facilities “is crucial to an
understanding of social movement activity.” The variable to be explained here is
not growth, success, or stability of a movement but what the movement or its
activists do; but the kind of activity is left open. This is a clear orienting statement:
it is only said that a variable has some effect on movement actions, but the reader is
not told what exactly the effect is.
Can these factors explain the emergence of a new movement? Some of the variables
presuppose that a movement exists already. This holds, for example, for no. 4
in the list: “external support as a condition for the success of a movement” implies
that there is already a movement. Factors 9 to 11 could refer to a situation where
movements do not yet exist and where the emergence of a movement is likely.
The authors further describe the “strategic tasks” of social movements: these are
“mobilizing supporters, neutralizing and/or transforming mass and elite publics
into sympathizers, achieving change in targets” (1217). This seems to suggest that
if these tasks are fulfilled movements will grow and succeed. Again, these are orienting
hypotheses which are – at least in part – included in the previous list.
The authors refer several times to costs and rewards that are important for individual
behavior. They also mention Olson’s theory. But they never show how
exactly a cost-benefit approach fits into their macro propositions. We will return to
this question later on when we discuss the RMP.
The role of grievances
The authors argue that there is “ambiguous evidence” (1215) for the assumption
that deprivation (i.e. grievances) and relative deprivation are key variables for the
explanation of protest behavior and social movements. The conclusion from this
research is not, as one would suspect, that deprivation is no longer considered to be
an explanatory variable. Instead, the authors “want to move from a strong assumption
about the centrality of deprivation and grievances to a weak one, which makes
them a component, indeed, sometimes a secondary component in the generation of
social movements” (1215).
The resource mobilization perspective 129
What exactly could it mean to “lessen the prevailing emphasis on grievances”
(1215)? Assume that the “old” theory asserts that deprivations are a cause for
protest and that the size of their effect is b1:
Old theory T1: Protest1 = a1 + b1 Deprivation + b2 OtherFactors
Thus, if deprivation increases by one unit then protest rises by b1 units – if other factors
remain constant. If it is claimed that a new theory “emphasizes” the effects of
a factor less than older theories, this could mean that b1 in the older theory is larger
than the respective coefficient in the new theory. If this coefficient is b’1, the new
theory would state:
New theory T2: Protest1= a1 + b1 Deprivation + b2 OtherFactors
b1 > b1.
Since it is left open what exactly the value of b1 in the “old” theory is, it is also not
clear whether any coefficient we estimate is larger or smaller than that in the “old”
theory. Or perhaps it is meant that the (standardized) coefficients of other variables
are larger than the coefficient of deprivation?
The authors’ proposition about the role of grievances can be interpreted differently.
In an earlier paper the authors argue that the RMP “does not necessarily deny
the existence of grievances. It stresses the structural conditions that facilitate the
expression of grievances” (McCarthy and Zald 1973: 1). Similarly, in an article
where the authors review their approach they assert that “groups with few resource
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