differences between individual and mass tourism. Simmel's study of play as a social form has likewise been virtually disregarded in tourism research, as have also his insights on the metropolitan life, alienation, and vocation. All these are worthwhile avenues of theoretical investigation for those intent on distilling the constants in touristic attitudes and behavicrr-
Phenomenological theory, beyond Schutz's specific work on the stranger, has similarly been overlooked by tourism researchers. Admittedly, Cohen (1979b) has provided a "phenomenology of touristic experiences" which ranges through five modes from the diversionary to the existential; yet, apart from this attempt, few others explore phenomenological insights in relation to tourism. Apparently, no one has fully investigated Schutz's elaboration of "in-order-to" and "because-of' in touristic motivation. Nor, for that matter, has anyone tried to apply to tourists Schutz's analysis of "projected action," in which time reflexively becomes either the future perfect or past perfect tense. Yet, arguably, this would be a viable paradigm for examining in depth the motivations of potential tourists as well as the discourse of promotional material which plays on these self-same motivations. So too would the phenomenological notion of "I-Thou" relationships prove useful in an appraisal of changing host-guest encounters within the framework of Bergson's "stream of consciousness." The theory is there. It just does not seem to have been utilized.
The same observations go for ethnomethodology. While this "candid camera" approach seeks to investigate the undeclared assumptions of human action and discourse, and in that sense could be appropriate for an examination of touristic stereotypes and cliches, only one example could be found, that of McHugh, Raffel, Foss and Blum (1974), which has adopted an ethnomethodological perspective for the study of tourism. Yet, such an approach, bereft of its more outrageous claims, could prove worthwhile in analyzing the conduct of both tourists and the tourist industry.
Symbolic Interactionism
The last perspective treated here, that of symbolic interactionism, does seem to have caught the imagination of tourism researchers, to a far greater extent than its micro-sociological counterparts.
In its formative years, symbolic interactionism was primarily concerned with the development of the self through its twin components of the "I" and "Me." While the latter comprised the internalized expectations of an individual's attitudes and behavior held by significant and generalized others, the former represented the principle of autonomy, whereby a person accepted or rejected the social definitions of the situation by others. In order to learn the expectations held by others (role), individuals were conceived of as passing through a number of stages, during which they came to appreciate the rules of social interaction. Later, symbolic interactionists examined in more detail the process of role negotiation by individuals, through which definitions of situations were exchanged, accepted, modified or rejected.
The ludic "as if' quality of touristic experience, examined above in a
differences between individual and mass tourism. Simmel's study of play as a social form has likewise been virtually disregarded in tourism research, as have also his insights on the metropolitan life, alienation, and vocation. All these are worthwhile avenues of theoretical investigation for those intent on distilling the constants in touristic attitudes and behavicrr-
Phenomenological theory, beyond Schutz's specific work on the stranger, has similarly been overlooked by tourism researchers. Admittedly, Cohen (1979b) has provided a "phenomenology of touristic experiences" which ranges through five modes from the diversionary to the existential; yet, apart from this attempt, few others explore phenomenological insights in relation to tourism. Apparently, no one has fully investigated Schutz's elaboration of "in-order-to" and "because-of' in touristic motivation. Nor, for that matter, has anyone tried to apply to tourists Schutz's analysis of "projected action," in which time reflexively becomes either the future perfect or past perfect tense. Yet, arguably, this would be a viable paradigm for examining in depth the motivations of potential tourists as well as the discourse of promotional material which plays on these self-same motivations. So too would the phenomenological notion of "I-Thou" relationships prove useful in an appraisal of changing host-guest encounters within the framework of Bergson's "stream of consciousness." The theory is there. It just does not seem to have been utilized.
The same observations go for ethnomethodology. While this "candid camera" approach seeks to investigate the undeclared assumptions of human action and discourse, and in that sense could be appropriate for an examination of touristic stereotypes and cliches, only one example could be found, that of McHugh, Raffel, Foss and Blum (1974), which has adopted an ethnomethodological perspective for the study of tourism. Yet, such an approach, bereft of its more outrageous claims, could prove worthwhile in analyzing the conduct of both tourists and the tourist industry.
Symbolic Interactionism
The last perspective treated here, that of symbolic interactionism, does seem to have caught the imagination of tourism researchers, to a far greater extent than its micro-sociological counterparts.
In its formative years, symbolic interactionism was primarily concerned with the development of the self through its twin components of the "I" and "Me." While the latter comprised the internalized expectations of an individual's attitudes and behavior held by significant and generalized others, the former represented the principle of autonomy, whereby a person accepted or rejected the social definitions of the situation by others. In order to learn the expectations held by others (role), individuals were conceived of as passing through a number of stages, during which they came to appreciate the rules of social interaction. Later, symbolic interactionists examined in more detail the process of role negotiation by individuals, through which definitions of situations were exchanged, accepted, modified or rejected.
The ludic "as if' quality of touristic experience, examined above in a
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