This attempt to reverse the signs of incorporation and domination animated much of contem- porary Tshidi practice, from their pursuit of cattle wealth to their energetic healing cults. Inti- mate experience had convinced the migrant that the opposition of setswana and sekgoa per- mitted no resolution. While a young generation of Tswana might seek, and even realize, some form of satisfaction at the workplace (cf. Guy and Thabane n.d.), their elders harbored few such hopes. The latter were also unversed in, or unmoved by, a universalist discourse that spoke of democracy, liberation, or labor politics. They were keenly aware that the inroads made into their universe by wage work had reduced them to bondage; the invocation of stark rhetorical distinctions enabled them to ponder a solution, not by synthesis or reconciliation but by sep- aration and withdrawal. Thrust back into the realities of a rural subsistence, they asserted the authority of a male-oriented "tradition" in which the fruits of bereka were devalued. What is more, until the 1970s, these men seldom confronted the conflicts of neocolonialism in direct political struggle, seeking instead to remake a recognizable world beyond the predators' grasp. In so doing, however, they also turned their backs on a consciousness of social class-and of class relations and antagonisms-as an organizing principle of South African society. Similarly, their historical imagination, with its stress on inescapable contrasts, did not fit well with a vision of revolution; a revolution that promised to remove those very contrasts and the forces under- lying them. Indeed, the revolutionary process now spreading through Southern Africa chal- lenges this generation of Tshidi ever more insistently to reconsider their dualistic worldview