4.3 Trade-offs in the Mekong
As we saw in the Introductory chapter, IWRM is an inherently political process. It envisages a balance between the 3Es, but it is not clear how to achieve this. Conflict between the demands of the three goals is also likely. Various actors will favour different goals and argue that more weight should be given to one over the others. Consequently, IWRM involves the meditation of conflicts of interest (Jonch- Clausen 2004). As the three goals may be antagonistic, trade-offs are necessary. Trade-offs are difficult to achieve as they involve a number of actors and competing interest. They are also controversial as they involve sacrifice the part of some on actors. It is important to note that different actors have different power capabilities and that political bargaining and decision making are necessary. In order to make informed choices, good quality information and knowledge is required that is disseminated amongst various stakeholders.
In terms of trade-offs, the MRC has largely identified its role as that of knowledge generation and provision which can inform debate and decision making. There are a number of challenges associated with this role including how to ensure that MRC knowledge does inform and impact debate and decision making, and reaching out to decision makers such as various line agencies that are traditionally removed from the MRC's work.
4.3.1 The Nature of Trade-offs in the Mekong
The discussion of trade-offs in the lower Mekong basin recognises that there are costs and benefits to development, and that mechanisms are needed to reconcile competing interests and values. This requires knowledge, capacity, engagement with decision makers and public participation. In the lower Mekong development context, the key trade-off, identified by a number of actors, is hydropower and fisheries: hydropower brings benefits, but also dis-benefits in terms of blocking fish migration routes (ADB and World Bank 2006; MIC 2009d). The MRC aims to identify and negotiate trade-9ffs within the framework and principles of IWRM.
The MRC refers to the balancing of the 3Es as IWRM's triple bottom line (MRC 2006). A triple bottom line approach evaluates any proposed development in terms of its contribution to economic efficiency, social equity and environmental sustainability. Consequently, economic, social and environmental outcomes are all ‘seen as part of the development benefit/dis-benefit...not that there is a simple trade-off between economic benefit, on the one side, and socio-environmental costs on the other (Hirsch 2006a: 24). In the current hydropower debate, the MRC is using the language of triple bottom line and benefit/dis-benefits. However, the debate is largely framed by a range of actors, including civil society organisations, in terms of the three goals being antagonistic, with economic benefits on one side and socio-environmental losses on the other, such that an increase in hydropower will lead to a decrease in fisheries and livelihoods.
Hydropower development brings economic benefits such as increased government revenues. These benefits are located at the national level. Government strategies, such as Lao PDR's NGPES (2003), envisage these economic benefits trickling-down' and increasing socio-economic development through, amongst others increasing the amount of money the government can spend on poverty reduction programmes. However, hydropower development can have social and environmental dis-benefits. In the case of the lower Mekong, this is mainly in terms of hydropower's impact on fisheries and the livelihoods that depend on them.
The Mekong's fisheries are one of the most valuable, productive and diverse inland fisheries in the world. Around 120 species of fish are commercially traded in the region (Coates et al. 2003). As shown above, fisheries play a unique and important role in the basin in terms of livelihoods. The threat that large infrastructure such as dams pose to the Mekong's capture fisheries is widely recognised (Poulsen et al. 2004; ADB and World Bank 2006). The impacts of existing hydropower dams on the lower Mekong's tributaries, including a decline in the abundance of fish, have already been documented (MRC 2003). Proposed lower Mekong mainstream dams pose a particular threat to fisheries because they will block fish migration routes. A large number of Mekong fish species are migratory, migrating and up- downstream to breed and feed. More than 70% of the total fish catch in the Mekong (roughly 1.8 million tonnes) is dependent on long distance fish migration, with the Mekong mainstream acting as a migration corridor (Dugan 2008). Blocking fish migration routes impacts not only on the fish themselves, but on livelihoods. Reducing the amount of fish reduces the availability of food for people, reduces food security and has an economic impact on poor people and their livelihoods (Interview Mekong Fisheries Scientist 0608). That hydropower dams generally, and the proposed lower mainstream dams specifically, will impact fish migration is widely accepted amongst Mekong actors including civil society and organisations such as the MRC.
4.3 Trade-offs in the Mekong
As we saw in the Introductory chapter, IWRM is an inherently political process. It envisages a balance between the 3Es, but it is not clear how to achieve this. Conflict between the demands of the three goals is also likely. Various actors will favour different goals and argue that more weight should be given to one over the others. Consequently, IWRM involves the meditation of conflicts of interest (Jonch- Clausen 2004). As the three goals may be antagonistic, trade-offs are necessary. Trade-offs are difficult to achieve as they involve a number of actors and competing interest. They are also controversial as they involve sacrifice the part of some on actors. It is important to note that different actors have different power capabilities and that political bargaining and decision making are necessary. In order to make informed choices, good quality information and knowledge is required that is disseminated amongst various stakeholders.
In terms of trade-offs, the MRC has largely identified its role as that of knowledge generation and provision which can inform debate and decision making. There are a number of challenges associated with this role including how to ensure that MRC knowledge does inform and impact debate and decision making, and reaching out to decision makers such as various line agencies that are traditionally removed from the MRC's work.
4.3.1 The Nature of Trade-offs in the Mekong
The discussion of trade-offs in the lower Mekong basin recognises that there are costs and benefits to development, and that mechanisms are needed to reconcile competing interests and values. This requires knowledge, capacity, engagement with decision makers and public participation. In the lower Mekong development context, the key trade-off, identified by a number of actors, is hydropower and fisheries: hydropower brings benefits, but also dis-benefits in terms of blocking fish migration routes (ADB and World Bank 2006; MIC 2009d). The MRC aims to identify and negotiate trade-9ffs within the framework and principles of IWRM.
The MRC refers to the balancing of the 3Es as IWRM's triple bottom line (MRC 2006). A triple bottom line approach evaluates any proposed development in terms of its contribution to economic efficiency, social equity and environmental sustainability. Consequently, economic, social and environmental outcomes are all ‘seen as part of the development benefit/dis-benefit...not that there is a simple trade-off between economic benefit, on the one side, and socio-environmental costs on the other (Hirsch 2006a: 24). In the current hydropower debate, the MRC is using the language of triple bottom line and benefit/dis-benefits. However, the debate is largely framed by a range of actors, including civil society organisations, in terms of the three goals being antagonistic, with economic benefits on one side and socio-environmental losses on the other, such that an increase in hydropower will lead to a decrease in fisheries and livelihoods.
Hydropower development brings economic benefits such as increased government revenues. These benefits are located at the national level. Government strategies, such as Lao PDR's NGPES (2003), envisage these economic benefits trickling-down' and increasing socio-economic development through, amongst others increasing the amount of money the government can spend on poverty reduction programmes. However, hydropower development can have social and environmental dis-benefits. In the case of the lower Mekong, this is mainly in terms of hydropower's impact on fisheries and the livelihoods that depend on them.
The Mekong's fisheries are one of the most valuable, productive and diverse inland fisheries in the world. Around 120 species of fish are commercially traded in the region (Coates et al. 2003). As shown above, fisheries play a unique and important role in the basin in terms of livelihoods. The threat that large infrastructure such as dams pose to the Mekong's capture fisheries is widely recognised (Poulsen et al. 2004; ADB and World Bank 2006). The impacts of existing hydropower dams on the lower Mekong's tributaries, including a decline in the abundance of fish, have already been documented (MRC 2003). Proposed lower Mekong mainstream dams pose a particular threat to fisheries because they will block fish migration routes. A large number of Mekong fish species are migratory, migrating and up- downstream to breed and feed. More than 70% of the total fish catch in the Mekong (roughly 1.8 million tonnes) is dependent on long distance fish migration, with the Mekong mainstream acting as a migration corridor (Dugan 2008). Blocking fish migration routes impacts not only on the fish themselves, but on livelihoods. Reducing the amount of fish reduces the availability of food for people, reduces food security and has an economic impact on poor people and their livelihoods (Interview Mekong Fisheries Scientist 0608). That hydropower dams generally, and the proposed lower mainstream dams specifically, will impact fish migration is widely accepted amongst Mekong actors including civil society and organisations such as the MRC.
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