suggests economic expectations are first and foremost, but it has been viewed with skepticism. For example, Young (1973) and Turner and Ash (1975) raised concerns about the mixed blessings of tourism. However, the economic benefits cannot be ignored as Krippendorf (1987: 49) reported on the comments of a Sri Lankan politician who said "We don't need tourists, we need tourism," obviously implying it is the money from tourism his country needs, not the tourists. Another criticism of the economic perspective is that it sacrifices community needs and concerns as the "locals are given to understand that they have to conform to the market — i.e., produce what sells" (Krippendorf 1987:50).
Regardless of the direction that leads to interest in community tour-
ism development, the concept of power-dependence relations is equally applicable. Communities that experience declining agricultural or manufacturing economies often turn to tourism as a means of diversifying their economic base and generating income. Such communities are in a state of dependency and community leaders generally embark upon a vigorous program to initiate action to attract investors, developers, and operators to establish tourism facilities and services in their community. According to Mathieson and Wall, "it reflects widespread belief among agency personnel that tourism can yield rapid and considerable returns on investments and be a positive force in remedying economic problems" (1982:35). This pursuit of tourism is sometimes made regardless of the attractiveness of the area to tourists.
As the community opens its arms to the tourism actors, they are placed in a power-advantage position. According to Krippendorf, "Since many areas are eager to develop tourism, it must accept any price offered by the bidder" (1987:50). In signaling to the tourism actor that they are welcomed in the community (vis-a-vis special treatment, tax incentives, subsidies, relaxation of planning code requirements, or meeting any demands of the tourism actors), tourism actors are given relative freedom to establish and develop the product, and be in a position of control. As the benefits of tourism accrue to the community, the tourism actors lose some of their advantage. When the local economy improves, the original tourism actors play a lesser economic role. As tourism grows and the actors face increasing competition, they begin to depend more upon the host actors. For example, greater reliance may be placed upon the community as a source of labor and for residents to maintain their hospitality towards tourists in order promote this attribute, and as a means for tourism operators to maintain market share. This illustration represents a balanced exchange between the actors (as both share in the benefits and costs) and it is likely that tourism will be viewed positively by the residents. Peck and Lepie (1989) also noted that in the acculturation process that occurs between host and guest, where the acculturating groups have roughly equal power, a minimum of community disruption and disintegration will occur.
It is equally possible that the host residents do not obtain the expected benefits. Instead, "once tourism has taken hold of the area and the locals realize what they have let themselves in for, disillusionment and more realistic attitudes replace the initial euphoria. But then it can be too late, because they have lost control over their own destiny . . . [consequently]
suggests economic expectations are first and foremost, but it has been viewed with skepticism. For example, Young (1973) and Turner and Ash (1975) raised concerns about the mixed blessings of tourism. However, the economic benefits cannot be ignored as Krippendorf (1987: 49) reported on the comments of a Sri Lankan politician who said "We don't need tourists, we need tourism," obviously implying it is the money from tourism his country needs, not the tourists. Another criticism of the economic perspective is that it sacrifices community needs and concerns as the "locals are given to understand that they have to conform to the market — i.e., produce what sells" (Krippendorf 1987:50).
Regardless of the direction that leads to interest in community tour-
ism development, the concept of power-dependence relations is equally applicable. Communities that experience declining agricultural or manufacturing economies often turn to tourism as a means of diversifying their economic base and generating income. Such communities are in a state of dependency and community leaders generally embark upon a vigorous program to initiate action to attract investors, developers, and operators to establish tourism facilities and services in their community. According to Mathieson and Wall, "it reflects widespread belief among agency personnel that tourism can yield rapid and considerable returns on investments and be a positive force in remedying economic problems" (1982:35). This pursuit of tourism is sometimes made regardless of the attractiveness of the area to tourists.
As the community opens its arms to the tourism actors, they are placed in a power-advantage position. According to Krippendorf, "Since many areas are eager to develop tourism, it must accept any price offered by the bidder" (1987:50). In signaling to the tourism actor that they are welcomed in the community (vis-a-vis special treatment, tax incentives, subsidies, relaxation of planning code requirements, or meeting any demands of the tourism actors), tourism actors are given relative freedom to establish and develop the product, and be in a position of control. As the benefits of tourism accrue to the community, the tourism actors lose some of their advantage. When the local economy improves, the original tourism actors play a lesser economic role. As tourism grows and the actors face increasing competition, they begin to depend more upon the host actors. For example, greater reliance may be placed upon the community as a source of labor and for residents to maintain their hospitality towards tourists in order promote this attribute, and as a means for tourism operators to maintain market share. This illustration represents a balanced exchange between the actors (as both share in the benefits and costs) and it is likely that tourism will be viewed positively by the residents. Peck and Lepie (1989) also noted that in the acculturation process that occurs between host and guest, where the acculturating groups have roughly equal power, a minimum of community disruption and disintegration will occur.
It is equally possible that the host residents do not obtain the expected benefits. Instead, "once tourism has taken hold of the area and the locals realize what they have let themselves in for, disillusionment and more realistic attitudes replace the initial euphoria. But then it can be too late, because they have lost control over their own destiny . . . [consequently]
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