China remains obsessed with Singapore, which is the only country in
the region to achieve advanced economic industrialization without undergoing substantial political liberalization. The key “lesson” that China
is trying to learn is how to combine authoritarian rule with “good govgovernance”
(“meritocratic” oneparty
rule). This fits well with
Xi’s set of political goals, known
as the “Four Comprehensives,”
which seeks to develop a “moderately
prosperous society” The impact of the “Singapore model” on China shows that learning
by nondemocratic states is not necessarily a short-term “modular”
phenomenon that is largely reactive in character, but can be long-term
and highly institutionalized. Singapore’s leaders have carefully codified
their national model and taught it to thousands of eager Chinese government
officials who have visited the city-state to learn its secrets. This
makes the “Singapore model” the opposite of what is usually expected
with regard to “political learning”: Instead of a major power using its
clout to diffuse its own regime form, a small and relatively insignificant
country is teaching its governance approach to the “pupils” (government
officials) of a major power through carefully designed courses,
official and unofficial publications, direct government advice, and an
industrial park set up in China. In this way, Singapore actively promotes
its own model of economic growth with political stability as a “counterhegemonic”
alternative to the supposed liberal-democratic consensus.
China remains obsessed with Singapore, which is the only country inthe region to achieve advanced economic industrialization without undergoing substantial political liberalization. The key “lesson” that Chinais trying to learn is how to combine authoritarian rule with “good govgovernance”(“meritocratic” onepartyrule). This fits well withXi’s set of political goals, knownas the “Four Comprehensives,”which seeks to develop a “moderatelyprosperous society” The impact of the “Singapore model” on China shows that learningby nondemocratic states is not necessarily a short-term “modular”phenomenon that is largely reactive in character, but can be long-termand highly institutionalized. Singapore’s leaders have carefully codifiedtheir national model and taught it to thousands of eager Chinese governmentofficials who have visited the city-state to learn its secrets. Thismakes the “Singapore model” the opposite of what is usually expectedwith regard to “political learning”: Instead of a major power using itsclout to diffuse its own regime form, a small and relatively insignificantcountry is teaching its governance approach to the “pupils” (governmentofficials) of a major power through carefully designed courses,official and unofficial publications, direct government advice, and anindustrial park set up in China. In this way, Singapore actively promotesits own model of economic growth with political stability as a “counterhegemonic”alternative to the supposed liberal-democratic consensus.
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