This is an article about the last 50 years of communication effects research. It aspires
to develop two arguments. The first is that the evolving character of this research
reveals an underlying structure moving from relatively simple models of persuasion
and prospective attitude change to more sophisticated and layered models as scholars
successively address the conditions and contexts of communication effects. The
progression is cumulative, we argue, because once an effect of some sort has been
identified, subsequent research can systematically address the conditions under
which such an effect is diminished or strengthened. The second argument is that
this underlying structure is routinely obscured and the advance of cumulative
scientific refinement is potentially derailed by a widely held construction of this
history known as the ‘‘minimal-effects hypothesis.’’ We can demonstrate empirically
through citation analysis that the first argument is true, although the structure of
citations is modest rather than dramatic. We are unable to prove that the second is
true, although we can identify what we believe is ample anecdotal evidence. On the
second argument, we would be pleased to have successfully raised the issue rather
than conclusively won the point.
This is an article about the last 50 years of communication effects research. It aspires
to develop two arguments. The first is that the evolving character of this research
reveals an underlying structure moving from relatively simple models of persuasion
and prospective attitude change to more sophisticated and layered models as scholars
successively address the conditions and contexts of communication effects. The
progression is cumulative, we argue, because once an effect of some sort has been
identified, subsequent research can systematically address the conditions under
which such an effect is diminished or strengthened. The second argument is that
this underlying structure is routinely obscured and the advance of cumulative
scientific refinement is potentially derailed by a widely held construction of this
history known as the ‘‘minimal-effects hypothesis.’’ We can demonstrate empirically
through citation analysis that the first argument is true, although the structure of
citations is modest rather than dramatic. We are unable to prove that the second is
true, although we can identify what we believe is ample anecdotal evidence. On the
second argument, we would be pleased to have successfully raised the issue rather
than conclusively won the point.
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