This assessment of an 'ideological crisis' in an objectively ripe situation frames the problematic that inspired History and Class Consciousness and the work itself is Lukacs's attempt to fulfil his self-proclaimed duty as a Maxist to explain its causes so that 'a practical solution to the world's economic crisis can be found'. But this assumption had rather fateful consequences for both dimensions of History and Class Consciousness -for his social analysis and the theory of praxis and organization based on it. There were many possible, and many more nuanced, strategies for explaining the lack of socialist revolution following World War I than to ascribe it to underdeveloped proletarian subjectivity. These range from a critique of the assumption that the War signified that capitalism was moribund', to a Weberian/Michelsian analysis of the bureaucratization of Second International revival of own call parties, people's life process for deriving the forms of consciousness from (which would help to explain their justifiable impatience with party intellectuals). In any case, of the possible strategies, Lukacs, for a combination of reasons both personal's and historical-political, chose a very traditional answer to the problem and a very traditional way to explain it. Having assumed the subjective backwardness, the reified consciousness, ideological crisis of the proletariat, he then needed only to illuminate those aspects of social objectivity that supposedly produced it.