Finally, conflict between religious groups needs to be analyzed within the overall political context in Myanmar and the pressing concerns of constitutional reform and decentralization. Part of what motivates the socioeconomic concerns explained above is the unitary nature of both the constitution and the national state, which effectively limits the autonomy and agency of both state governments and local communities. Devolution of power will be important in alleviating these anxieties, but could also create new ones or new opportunities for discrimination, especially in Rakhine state. If Rohingya remain excluded from the national community, the Rakhine state government will be dominated by Buddhist Rakhines, who will have a freer hand to implement repressive
policies targeting the Rohingya. On the other hand, if the state recognizes the citizenship claims of more Rohingya (at least one is in parliament, but even that status is contested by anti-Rohingya groups)or implements some sort of path toward citizenship (something that the government’s Rakhine State Commission already recommended), the presence of more Rohingya representatives in state and national government could serve to reinforce Rakhine fears. Constitutional reform of some type in Myanmar appears to be inevitable, but its effectson conflict between religious groups are unclear