For example, parents have higher scores on a measure of family obligations (e.g.,
responsibility for various chores) than do their adolescent children; in sharp contrast,
immigrant youth have higher scores on a scale of adolescent rights (e.g., independence in
dating) than their parents However, the differences between parents and adolescents in
their views about family obligations varied according to which acculturation profile the
youth were in: those in the national profile (i.e., preferring assimilation, having a stronger
national identity and having more national friends) had greater discrepancies from the
views of their parents. These discrepancies in family obligations scores (but not rights
scores) were associated with poorer psychological and sociocultural adaptation of the
adolescents.
For example, parents have higher scores on a measure of family obligations (e.g.,responsibility for various chores) than do their adolescent children; in sharp contrast,immigrant youth have higher scores on a scale of adolescent rights (e.g., independence indating) than their parents However, the differences between parents and adolescents intheir views about family obligations varied according to which acculturation profile theyouth were in: those in the national profile (i.e., preferring assimilation, having a strongernational identity and having more national friends) had greater discrepancies from theviews of their parents. These discrepancies in family obligations scores (but not rightsscores) were associated with poorer psychological and sociocultural adaptation of theadolescents.
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