circumstances under which the process takes place. The importance of such a specification also emerges clearly from the preceding discussion of the close inter-relationship between processes of touristic penetration and other processe.‘of social change. The principal trastion which sociologists of tourism would haYe to answer in the future is, which of the multitude of contextual circumstances in which a kind tourism is embedded is of primary importance for its analysis. Attention may be paid, among other things, to the characteristics of the tourists themselves, of the touristic institutions, of the general institutional framework of the destination area (as e.g. analysed in Kemper's contribution to this issue of Annals,) or to the deeper social
and cultural characteristics of the host society analyzed.
3. Comparative: The current writing on the sociology of tourism suffers from a lack of an explicit comparative perspective. Highly interesting analyses of specific touristik
situations can rarely be used for a more general analysis because they have not been
set in a comparative framework. Research projects within which several touristic
situations are compared are admittedly rare (Packer 1973; Peck and Lepie 1977;
Pi-Sunyer 1977; Reiter 1973 and Kemper in this issue). However, even if the research
design involves only one particular case, it is still implicitly part of the comparative
study - that of similar projects conducted by other researchers. Research on tourism
could be considerably advanced if researchers would take explicit cognizance of the
comparative context. There are several respects in which this could be done: in the
definition of the research problem; in the selection of the research site; in the
definition of the variables; and in the description of the general characteristics of the
ecological and social setting in which research has been conducted. Regard to the
comparative context on part of researchers conducting case studies would greatly
advance secondary comparative analysis.
4. Emic: It emerges from the preceding discussion that it is not sufficient to study the touristic process from the outside; one has to recognize that the emic perspective‘1/4" not only forms, in Pi-Sunyer's (1974) term, a "separate reality," but is also of
consequence for the external manifestations of touristic processes. The emic
perspective of the different parties participating in the touristic process should hence be given explicit recognition in the research design.
The strategy of research proposed here aims at cutting a middle way between a
presumptuous attempt to create a monolithic (generalizing) "theory of tourism"
and the piece-meal, ad hoc investigation of discrete empirical problems. While
recognizing that tourism is not a theoretical subfield of sociology, and that many and
diverse theoretical approaches can be applied to its investigation, one should
nevertheless aim at establishing a common style of investigation through which that
continuity in research and generalization of findings will be facilitated. This should
result eventually in closing the gap between theoretical treatises and empirical case
studies, a discrepancy which marks the current state of affairs in the sociology of
tourism.
circumstances under which the process takes place. The importance of such a specification also emerges clearly from the preceding discussion of the close inter-relationship between processes of touristic penetration and other processe.‘of social change. The principal trastion which sociologists of tourism would haYe to answer in the future is, which of the multitude of contextual circumstances in which a kind tourism is embedded is of primary importance for its analysis. Attention may be paid, among other things, to the characteristics of the tourists themselves, of the touristic institutions, of the general institutional framework of the destination area (as e.g. analysed in Kemper's contribution to this issue of Annals,) or to the deeper social
and cultural characteristics of the host society analyzed.
3. Comparative: The current writing on the sociology of tourism suffers from a lack of an explicit comparative perspective. Highly interesting analyses of specific touristik
situations can rarely be used for a more general analysis because they have not been
set in a comparative framework. Research projects within which several touristic
situations are compared are admittedly rare (Packer 1973; Peck and Lepie 1977;
Pi-Sunyer 1977; Reiter 1973 and Kemper in this issue). However, even if the research
design involves only one particular case, it is still implicitly part of the comparative
study - that of similar projects conducted by other researchers. Research on tourism
could be considerably advanced if researchers would take explicit cognizance of the
comparative context. There are several respects in which this could be done: in the
definition of the research problem; in the selection of the research site; in the
definition of the variables; and in the description of the general characteristics of the
ecological and social setting in which research has been conducted. Regard to the
comparative context on part of researchers conducting case studies would greatly
advance secondary comparative analysis.
4. Emic: It emerges from the preceding discussion that it is not sufficient to study the touristic process from the outside; one has to recognize that the emic perspective‘1/4" not only forms, in Pi-Sunyer's (1974) term, a "separate reality," but is also of
consequence for the external manifestations of touristic processes. The emic
perspective of the different parties participating in the touristic process should hence be given explicit recognition in the research design.
The strategy of research proposed here aims at cutting a middle way between a
presumptuous attempt to create a monolithic (generalizing) "theory of tourism"
and the piece-meal, ad hoc investigation of discrete empirical problems. While
recognizing that tourism is not a theoretical subfield of sociology, and that many and
diverse theoretical approaches can be applied to its investigation, one should
nevertheless aim at establishing a common style of investigation through which that
continuity in research and generalization of findings will be facilitated. This should
result eventually in closing the gap between theoretical treatises and empirical case
studies, a discrepancy which marks the current state of affairs in the sociology of
tourism.
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