The same point is central to Mercer Sullivans (1989) comparative ethnographies
of Puerto Rican, black, and working-class white youth in three New
York communities. Sullivan challenges blanket assertions about youth subcultures
as determinants of deviant behavior by showing that access to regular
jobs and participation in deviant activities are both network mediated. As Granovetter
(1974) had noted earlier, teenagers seldom find jobs; instead jobs
come to them through the mediation of parents and other adults in their immediate
community. Sullivan shows how such networks are much feebler in the
case of black youth because of the scarcity of occupants of influential positions
in the adult generation. Thrown back on their own resources, black adolescents
are seldom able to compete successfully for good regular jobs; thus they become
available for alternative forms of income earning.
In her analysis of teenage pregnancy in Baltimores ghetto, Fernandez-
Kelly (1995) notes how the dense but truncated networks of inner-city black
families not only cut off members from information about the outside world,
but simultaneously support alternative cultural styles that make access to
mainstream employment even more difficult. In this isolated context, teenage
pregnancy is not the outgrowth of carelessness or excess sexuality but, more
commonly, a deliberate means to gain adult status and a measure of independence.
Similarly, Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush (1995) have investigated the relationship
between outside social networks and academic achievement and aspirations
among Mexican high school students in the San Francisco area. They
find positive correlations among these variables, although the strongest associations
are with bilingualism, suggesting the role of cultural capital in status
attainment. In a related article, Valenzuela & Dornbush (1994) highlight the
role of family networks and a familistic orientation in the academic achievement
of Mexican-origin students. Paralleling the studies of Hagan et al (1996)
and Gold (1995), these articles suggest that immigrant families compensate for
the absence of the third form of social capitaloutside networkswith an emphasis
on social capital in the form of familial support, including preservation
of the cultural orientations of their home country.
As in the case of the various sources of social capital outlined in the last section,
it is also important to keep in mind the differing functions of the concept
both to avoid confusion and to facilitate study of their interrelationships. It is possible, for example, that social capital in the form of social control may clash
with social capital in the form of network-mediated benefits, if the latter consists
precisely on the ability to bypass existing norms. The capacity of authorities
to enforce rules (social control) can thus be jeopardized by the existence of
tight networks whose function is precisely to facilitate violation of those rules
for private benefit. These paradoxical outcomes point to the need of a closer
look at the actual and potential gainers and losers in transactions mediated by
social capital. The right side of Figure 1 summarizes the previous discussion
and that of the next section.
The same point is central to Mercer Sullivans (1989) comparative ethnographies
of Puerto Rican, black, and working-class white youth in three New
York communities. Sullivan challenges blanket assertions about youth subcultures
as determinants of deviant behavior by showing that access to regular
jobs and participation in deviant activities are both network mediated. As Granovetter
(1974) had noted earlier, teenagers seldom find jobs; instead jobs
come to them through the mediation of parents and other adults in their immediate
community. Sullivan shows how such networks are much feebler in the
case of black youth because of the scarcity of occupants of influential positions
in the adult generation. Thrown back on their own resources, black adolescents
are seldom able to compete successfully for good regular jobs; thus they become
available for alternative forms of income earning.
In her analysis of teenage pregnancy in Baltimores ghetto, Fernandez-
Kelly (1995) notes how the dense but truncated networks of inner-city black
families not only cut off members from information about the outside world,
but simultaneously support alternative cultural styles that make access to
mainstream employment even more difficult. In this isolated context, teenage
pregnancy is not the outgrowth of carelessness or excess sexuality but, more
commonly, a deliberate means to gain adult status and a measure of independence.
Similarly, Stanton-Salazar & Dornbush (1995) have investigated the relationship
between outside social networks and academic achievement and aspirations
among Mexican high school students in the San Francisco area. They
find positive correlations among these variables, although the strongest associations
are with bilingualism, suggesting the role of cultural capital in status
attainment. In a related article, Valenzuela & Dornbush (1994) highlight the
role of family networks and a familistic orientation in the academic achievement
of Mexican-origin students. Paralleling the studies of Hagan et al (1996)
and Gold (1995), these articles suggest that immigrant families compensate for
the absence of the third form of social capitaloutside networkswith an emphasis
on social capital in the form of familial support, including preservation
of the cultural orientations of their home country.
As in the case of the various sources of social capital outlined in the last section,
it is also important to keep in mind the differing functions of the concept
both to avoid confusion and to facilitate study of their interrelationships. It is possible, for example, that social capital in the form of social control may clash
with social capital in the form of network-mediated benefits, if the latter consists
precisely on the ability to bypass existing norms. The capacity of authorities
to enforce rules (social control) can thus be jeopardized by the existence of
tight networks whose function is precisely to facilitate violation of those rules
for private benefit. These paradoxical outcomes point to the need of a closer
look at the actual and potential gainers and losers in transactions mediated by
social capital. The right side of Figure 1 summarizes the previous discussion
and that of the next section.
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