and ill-will, the multiculturalists charge them with the arrogance
of assuming their own superiority over formerly subject
peoples.
This presumption would help explain why the demands of
multiculturalism build on the already established principles
of the politics of equal respect. If withholding the presumption
is tantamount to a denial of equality, and if important
consequences flow for people’s identity from the absence of
recognition, then a case can be made for insisting on the
universalization of the presumption as a logical extension of
the politics of dignity. Just as all must have equal civil rights,
and equal voting rights, regardless of race or culture, so all
should enjoy the presumption that their traditional culture
has value. This extension, however logically it may seem to
flow from the accepted norms of equal dignity, fits uneasily
within them, as described in Section II, because it challenges
the “difference-blindness” that was central to them. Yet it
does indeed seem to flow from them, albeit uneasily.
I am not sure about the validity of demanding this presumption
as a right. But we can leave this issue aside, because
the demand made seems to be much stronger. The
claim seems to be that a proper respect for equality requires
more than a presumption that further study will make us see
things this way, but actual judgments of equal worth applied
to the customs and creations of these different cultures. Such
judgments seem to be implicit in the demand that certain
works be included in the canon, and in the implication that
these works have not been included earlier only because of
prejudice or ill-will or the desire to dominate. (Of course, the
demand for inclusion is logically separable from a claim of
equal worth. The demand could be: Include these because
they’re ours, even though they may well be inferior. But this
is not how the people making the demand talk.)
But there is something very wrong with the demand in
this form. It makes sense to demand as a matter of right that
we approach the study of certain cultures with a presump-
and ill-will, the multiculturalists charge them with the arroganceof assuming their own superiority over formerly subjectpeoples.This presumption would help explain why the demands ofmulticulturalism build on the already established principlesof the politics of equal respect. If withholding the presumptionis tantamount to a denial of equality, and if importantconsequences flow for people’s identity from the absence ofrecognition, then a case can be made for insisting on theuniversalization of the presumption as a logical extension ofthe politics of dignity. Just as all must have equal civil rights,and equal voting rights, regardless of race or culture, so allshould enjoy the presumption that their traditional culturehas value. This extension, however logically it may seem toflow from the accepted norms of equal dignity, fits uneasilywithin them, as described in Section II, because it challengesthe “difference-blindness” that was central to them. Yet itdoes indeed seem to flow from them, albeit uneasily.I am not sure about the validity of demanding this presumptionas a right. But we can leave this issue aside, becausethe demand made seems to be much stronger. Theclaim seems to be that a proper respect for equality requiresmore than a presumption that further study will make us seethings this way, but actual judgments of equal worth appliedto the customs and creations of these different cultures. Suchตัดสินดูเหมือนเป็นนัยในความต้องการที่แน่นอนงานที่จะรวม ในสารบบ และเนื่องจากที่งานเหล่านี้ยังไม่ได้รวมรุ่นก่อนหน้าเท่านั้นเนื่องจากของอคติ หรือไม่ประสงค์ดี หรือความปรารถนาที่จะครอง (แน่นอน การความต้องการรวมเป็น separable ตรรกะจากคำร้องของมูลค่าเท่านั้น ความสามารถ: รวมเหล่านี้เนื่องจากพวกเขากำลังเรา แม้ว่าพวกเขาอาจจะดีน้อย แต่นี้ไม่ว่าคนที่ทำให้ความต้องการพูดคุย)แต่มีบางสิ่งบางอย่างมากผิดกับความต้องการในแบบฟอร์มนี้ มันทำให้รู้สึกถึงความต้องการเป็นเรื่องสิทธิที่เราเข้าศึกษาวัฒนธรรมบางอย่างกับ presump เป็น-
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and ill-will, the multiculturalists charge them with the arrogance
of assuming their own superiority over formerly subject
peoples.
This presumption would help explain why the demands of
multiculturalism build on the already established principles
of the politics of equal respect. If withholding the presumption
is tantamount to a denial of equality, and if important
consequences flow for people’s identity from the absence of
recognition, then a case can be made for insisting on the
universalization of the presumption as a logical extension of
the politics of dignity. Just as all must have equal civil rights,
and equal voting rights, regardless of race or culture, so all
should enjoy the presumption that their traditional culture
has value. This extension, however logically it may seem to
flow from the accepted norms of equal dignity, fits uneasily
within them, as described in Section II, because it challenges
the “difference-blindness” that was central to them. Yet it
does indeed seem to flow from them, albeit uneasily.
I am not sure about the validity of demanding this presumption
as a right. But we can leave this issue aside, because
the demand made seems to be much stronger. The
claim seems to be that a proper respect for equality requires
more than a presumption that further study will make us see
things this way, but actual judgments of equal worth applied
to the customs and creations of these different cultures. Such
judgments seem to be implicit in the demand that certain
works be included in the canon, and in the implication that
these works have not been included earlier only because of
prejudice or ill-will or the desire to dominate. (Of course, the
demand for inclusion is logically separable from a claim of
equal worth. The demand could be: Include these because
they’re ours, even though they may well be inferior. But this
is not how the people making the demand talk.)
But there is something very wrong with the demand in
this form. It makes sense to demand as a matter of right that
we approach the study of certain cultures with a presump-
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