In other words, the question of policy instru- ments is central in Foucault’s analysis of governmentality. He contributed to the renewal of thinking on the state and govern- mental practices by shunning the conven- tional debates of political philosophy about the nature and legitimacy of governments, devoting himself instead to their materiality, their policies and their modes of acting. In his reflections on the political, he put forward the question of the ‘statization of society’ – that is, the development of con- crete devices, instruments, practices function- ing more through discipline than constraint, and framing the actions and representations of all the social actors.
The legacy of this thought has been remo- bilized, in the contemporary period, to account for changes in modes of govern- ment/governance and the making of new forms of neoliberal governmentality (Miller and Rose, 2008). Focusing on policy instru- ments is a way to link sociological analysis of forms of rationalization of power to the public policy tradition that is looking at new linkages between public authorities and eco- nomic and social actors in an international- ized context, for means of regulation and governance.
The question of policy instruments is therefore central for the governmentality tra- dition of research revived in particular in the UK around Rose and Miller as much as for the governance research agenda. This raises the delicate question of conceptualizing and differentiating govervance and governmen- tality. This would require a more detailed discussion that is made perilous by the fact that the conceptualization of both govern- mentality and governance are not stabilized. Without too much of theoretical syncretism and at the risk of confusion, it makes sense to argue that some questions are part of a paral- lel research agenda, e.g. policy instruments. The main problem derives from the fact that Foucault never wrote a clear book on govern- mentality, that several conceptions have developed over time, and that the publication of some of his key texts (lectures in the
Collège de France) is pretty recent and hence has caused confusion amongst governmen- tality scholars, in particular Anglo-Saxon and French scholars. As is also well known, scholars are innovative when using important thinkers in creative ways with or without being absolutely loyal to the original. Lascoumes (2008) has in particularly argued that three conceptions of governmentality have been developed by Foucault over time.
First, Foucault uses the term ‘governmen- tality’ in 1984 but already, in Surveiller et Punir, published in 1975 (translated as Disciple and Punish; Foucault, 1977), Foucault elaborates an original conception of politics, the art of governing, and the conduct of conducts. In this book, the long chapter about ‘discipline’ deals with the different places where ‘discipline’ is exercised beyond prison: for instance, in the army, hospitals, schools and convents. He studies the normal- ization of discipline practices within the army, both to train individuals and to organize collective action.
Secondly, in 1984 and for a few years, Foucault developed his thinking about gov- ernmentality in a series of conferences and lectures based upon his reworking of the writings of the cameral sciences (the science of police): i.e. the concrete organization of society that took shape in France and Prussia in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that combined a political vision based on the philosophy of Aufklärung (Enlightenment) with principles that claimed rationality in administering the affairs of the city (Senellart, 1995). This rationality was gradually dis- placed by populationist concern for the hap- piness of populations, combining dimensions of public order, well-being and culture. The individuals and populations as collective entities were to be rationally disciplined in order to promote the well-being of the popu- lation, its reproduction, pacified social rela- tions and economic productivity. Economics became as important as military science for state power. In that sense, the cameral sci- ences were the melting-pot of contemporary public policies.
In other words, the question of policy instru- ments is central in Foucault’s analysis of governmentality. He contributed to the renewal of thinking on the state and govern- mental practices by shunning the conven- tional debates of political philosophy about the nature and legitimacy of governments, devoting himself instead to their materiality, their policies and their modes of acting. In his reflections on the political, he put forward the question of the ‘statization of society’ – that is, the development of con- crete devices, instruments, practices function- ing more through discipline than constraint, and framing the actions and representations of all the social actors.
The legacy of this thought has been remo- bilized, in the contemporary period, to account for changes in modes of govern- ment/governance and the making of new forms of neoliberal governmentality (Miller and Rose, 2008). Focusing on policy instru- ments is a way to link sociological analysis of forms of rationalization of power to the public policy tradition that is looking at new linkages between public authorities and eco- nomic and social actors in an international- ized context, for means of regulation and governance.
The question of policy instruments is therefore central for the governmentality tra- dition of research revived in particular in the UK around Rose and Miller as much as for the governance research agenda. This raises the delicate question of conceptualizing and differentiating govervance and governmen- tality. This would require a more detailed discussion that is made perilous by the fact that the conceptualization of both govern- mentality and governance are not stabilized. Without too much of theoretical syncretism and at the risk of confusion, it makes sense to argue that some questions are part of a paral- lel research agenda, e.g. policy instruments. The main problem derives from the fact that Foucault never wrote a clear book on govern- mentality, that several conceptions have developed over time, and that the publication of some of his key texts (lectures in the
Collège de France) is pretty recent and hence has caused confusion amongst governmen- tality scholars, in particular Anglo-Saxon and French scholars. As is also well known, scholars are innovative when using important thinkers in creative ways with or without being absolutely loyal to the original. Lascoumes (2008) has in particularly argued that three conceptions of governmentality have been developed by Foucault over time.
First, Foucault uses the term ‘governmen- tality’ in 1984 but already, in Surveiller et Punir, published in 1975 (translated as Disciple and Punish; Foucault, 1977), Foucault elaborates an original conception of politics, the art of governing, and the conduct of conducts. In this book, the long chapter about ‘discipline’ deals with the different places where ‘discipline’ is exercised beyond prison: for instance, in the army, hospitals, schools and convents. He studies the normal- ization of discipline practices within the army, both to train individuals and to organize collective action.
Secondly, in 1984 and for a few years, Foucault developed his thinking about gov- ernmentality in a series of conferences and lectures based upon his reworking of the writings of the cameral sciences (the science of police): i.e. the concrete organization of society that took shape in France and Prussia in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that combined a political vision based on the philosophy of Aufklärung (Enlightenment) with principles that claimed rationality in administering the affairs of the city (Senellart, 1995). This rationality was gradually dis- placed by populationist concern for the hap- piness of populations, combining dimensions of public order, well-being and culture. The individuals and populations as collective entities were to be rationally disciplined in order to promote the well-being of the popu- lation, its reproduction, pacified social rela- tions and economic productivity. Economics became as important as military science for state power. In that sense, the cameral sci- ences were the melting-pot of contemporary public policies.
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