Relationships between In-laws
Whiting, Kluckhohn, and Anthony (1958) undertook a cross cultural analysis of relationships among family members in an attempt to track factors associated with adolescent initiation rituals.They hypothesized that these rites occurred in societies where boys were especially dependent on their mothers and that one function of the rites was to break the maternal bond and to increase the boy’s identification with the male role. An analysis of about 50 societies indicated that cultures with initiation rites were frequently those in which a young boy slept alone with his mother for at least a year. In addition, these societies often had restrictions on parental sexual behavior for at least a year after childbirth. Therefore, cultures with high social contact between a mother and a young child also had mechanisms to break off that contact in later years, yielding a long term dialectic balance of mother-child and father-child interaction. Consider an example provided by Whiting, Kluckhohn, and Anthony (1 95%): Among the Kwama people of New Guinea, the child remained close to the mother, slept in the mother’s arms, and was nursed for 2 to 3 years. The child was also held by the mother all day, the father slept separately on his own bed, and the parents did not engage in sexual intercourse during this period. But, this changed abruptly at the time of weaning, when the child was put in his own bed, the parents slept together and engaged in intercourse in the same room as the child, and the mother no longer held the child. Thus, in a longitudinal sense, we see a cycle of high contact followed by low contact between a mother and child and, presumably, the reverse pattern between a boy and his father or other males.
ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่าง In-lawsWhiting, Kluckhohn, and Anthony (1958) undertook a cross cultural analysis of relationships among family members in an attempt to track factors associated with adolescent initiation rituals.They hypothesized that these rites occurred in societies where boys were especially dependent on their mothers and that one function of the rites was to break the maternal bond and to increase the boy’s identification with the male role. An analysis of about 50 societies indicated that cultures with initiation rites were frequently those in which a young boy slept alone with his mother for at least a year. In addition, these societies often had restrictions on parental sexual behavior for at least a year after childbirth. Therefore, cultures with high social contact between a mother and a young child also had mechanisms to break off that contact in later years, yielding a long term dialectic balance of mother-child and father-child interaction. Consider an example provided by Whiting, Kluckhohn, and Anthony (1 95%): Among the Kwama people of New Guinea, the child remained close to the mother, slept in the mother’s arms, and was nursed for 2 to 3 years. The child was also held by the mother all day, the father slept separately on his own bed, and the parents did not engage in sexual intercourse during this period. But, this changed abruptly at the time of weaning, when the child was put in his own bed, the parents slept together and engaged in intercourse in the same room as the child, and the mother no longer held the child. Thus, in a longitudinal sense, we see a cycle of high contact followed by low contact between a mother and child and, presumably, the reverse pattern between a boy and his father or other males.
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