A fuller audit of American social
capital would need to account for
apparent counter-trends.8 Some
observers believe, for example,
that support groups and neighborhood
watch groups are proliferating,
and few deny that the last several
decades have witnessed
explosive growth in interest groups
represented in Washington. The
growth of "mailing list" organizations,
like the American Association
of Retired People or the Sierra
Club, although highly significant in
political (and commercial) terms, is
not really a counter-example to the
supposed decline in social connectedness,
however, since these are
not really associations in which
members meet one another. Their
members' ties are to common symbols
and ideologies, but not to each
other. These organizations are sufficiently
different from classical
"secondary" associations as to deserve
a new rubric-perhaps "tertiary"
associations. Similarly, although
most secondary associations
are not-for-profit, most prominent
nonprofits (from Harvard University
to the Metropolitan Opera) are
bureaucracies, not secondary associations,
so the growth of the
"Third Sector" is not tantamount
to a growth in social connectedness.
With due regard to various
kinds of counter-evidence, I believe
that the weight of the available evidence
confirms that Americans today
are significantly less engaged
with their communities than was
true a generation ago.
Of course, lots of civic activity is
still visible in our communities.
American civil society is not moribund.
Indeed, evidence suggests
that America still outranks many
other countries in the degree of our
community involvement and social
trust (Putnam 1996). But if we compare
ourselves, not with other
countries but with our parents, the
best available evidence suggests
that we are less connected with one
another.
A fuller audit of American socialcapital would need to account forapparent counter-trends.8 Someobservers believe, for example,that support groups and neighborhoodwatch groups are proliferating,and few deny that the last severaldecades have witnessedexplosive growth in interest groupsrepresented in Washington. Thegrowth of "mailing list" organizations,like the American Associationof Retired People or the SierraClub, although highly significant inpolitical (and commercial) terms, isnot really a counter-example to thesupposed decline in social connectedness,however, since these arenot really associations in whichmembers meet one another. Theirmembers' ties are to common symbolsand ideologies, but not to eachother. These organizations are sufficientlydifferent from classical"secondary" associations as to deservea new rubric-perhaps "tertiary"associations. Similarly, althoughmost secondary associationsare not-for-profit, most prominentnonprofits (from Harvard Universityto the Metropolitan Opera) arebureaucracies, not secondary associations,so the growth of the"Third Sector" is not tantamountto a growth in social connectedness.With due regard to variouskinds of counter-evidence, I believethat the weight of the available evidenceconfirms that Americans todayare significantly less engagedwith their communities than wastrue a generation ago.Of course, lots of civic activity isstill visible in our communities.American civil society is not moribund.Indeed, evidence suggeststhat America still outranks manyother countries in the degree of ourcommunity involvement and socialtrust (Putnam 1996). But if we compareourselves, not with othercountries but with our parents, thebest available evidence suggeststhat we are less connected with oneanother.
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