Mr Thaksin's record in government from 2001-06 was far from exemplary. His approach to Thailand's drug and crime problem was draconian, and the way he dealt with separatist demands by Muslims in the country's south was harsh and in breach of human rights laws. It's also alleged he used his government influence to add to the already large fortune he'd accumulated before going into politics. Conversely, Mr Thaksin initiated economic and welfare programs instrumental in raising income levels and health standards among many of Thailand's poorest people, particularly those in the north and north-east of the country. On his watch, public sector debt was reduced, gross domestic product grew by 30 per cent, and foreign exchange reserves doubled. Thailand's rapid industrialisation and its attractiveness as a destination of foreign investment is a legacy of his policies.
While Mr Thaksin's popularity in the provinces grew, the more prosperous and better-educated citizens of Bangkok were far less enamoured of him. When the sale of a large family stake in a telecommunications business in 2006 led to allegations of corruption and tax evasion, political opposition in the capital grew rapidly. That polarisation intensified after Mr Thaksin was deposed by military coup while travelling in the United States and later charged with corruption.
But Mr Thaksin has continued to wield enormous influence in Thai politics. Indeed, every popularly elected government since his overthrow is supposed to have been under his sway or influence. It's not surprising, therefore, that the trigger for last month's demonstrations was Ms Yingluck's attempt to push an amnesty bill through Parliament that would have allowed her brother to return from exile. It would have meant amnesties for everyone implicated in the violent protests that pitted pro and anti-Thaksin forces in Bangkok in 2010, too, but such distinctions seem have been lost in the general rush to condemn.
If the first round in this renewed contest has gone to the anti-Thaksin forces, history suggests their attempts to rewrite the rules to suit themselves will not succeed. Indeed, the suggestion by protest leader Suthep Thaugsuban that an unelected people's council is the answer to Thailand's alleged democratic shortcomings is absurd. All democracies are imperfect. Their great strength, however, is that the system is open to everyone to work towards a better model. That relies on everyone abiding by the will of the people, something anti-Thaksin forces seem unwilling to acknowledge.
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