It appearing in the course of these debates, that the colonies of
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South
Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but
that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent
to wait for a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July
1st; but, that this might occasion as little delay as possible, a committee
was appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. The committee
were John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R.
Livingston, and myself. Committees were also appointed, at the same
time, to prepare a plan of confederation for the colonies, and to state
the terms proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committee
for drawing the Declaration of Independence, desired me to do it. It
was accordingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the
House on Friday, the 28th of June, when it was read, and ordered to
lie on the table. On Monday, the 1st of July, the House resolved itself
into a committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the
original motion made by the delegates of Virginia, which, being again
debated through the day, was carried in the affirmative by the votes of
New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New
Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. South Carolina
and Pennsylvania voted against it. Delaware had but two members
present, and they were divided. The delegates from New York declared
they were for it themselves, and were assured their constituents
were for it; but that their instructions having been drawn near a
twelve-month before, when reconciliation was still the general object,
they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should impede that
object. They, therefore, thought themselves not justifiable in voting on
either side, and asked leave to withdraw from the question: which was
given them. The committee rose and reported their resolution to the
House. Mr. Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, then requested the
determination might be put off to the next day, as he believed his colleagues,
though they disapproved of the resolution, would then join in
it for the sake of unanimity. The ultimate question, whether the House
would agree to the resolution of the committee, was accordingly postponed
to the next day, when it was again moved, and South Carolina
concurred in voting for it. In the meantime, a third member had come
post from the Delaware counties, and turned the vote of that colony in
favor of the resolution. Members of a different sentiment attending
that morning from Pennsylvania also, her vote was changed, so that
the whole twelve colonies who were authorized to vote at all, gave
their voices for it; and, within a few days, the convention of New York
approved of it, and thus supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawing
of her delegates from the vote.
Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of
Independence, which had been reported and lain on the table the Friday
preceding, and on Monday referred to a committee of the whole.
The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping
terms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those
passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were
struck out, lest they should give them offense. The clause too, reprobating
the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance
to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to
restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still
wished to continue it. Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little
tender under those censures; for though their people had very few
slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of
them to others. The debates, having taken up the greater parts of the
2d, 3d, and 4th days of July, were, on the evening of the last, closed;
the Declaration was reported by the committee, agreed to by the
House, and signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson. As
the sentiments of men are known not only by what they receive, but
what they reject also, I will state the form of the Declaration as originally
reported. The parts struck out by Congress shall be distinguished
by a black line drawn under them, and those inserted by them shall be
placed in the margin, or in a concurrent column. 3 THOMAS JEFFERSON THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 4
A Declaration by the representatives of the United States of
America, in General Congress assembled.
When in the course of human events, it becomes
necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands
which have connected them with another, and to assume
among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal
station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God
entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind
requires that they should declare the causes which
impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men
are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
with inherent and inalienable rights, that among
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That,
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among
men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed; that whenever any form of government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the
people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new
government, laying its foundation on such principles
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long
established should not be changed for light and transient
causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that
mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable,
than to right themselves by abolishing the forms
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of
abuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period
and pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their
right, it is their duty to throw off such government, and
to provide new guards for their future security. Such has
been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is
now the necessity which constrains them to expunge
their former systems of government. The history of the
present King of Great Britain is a history of unremitting
injuries and usurpations, among which appears no solitary
fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, but
all have in direct object the establishment of an absolute
tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be
submitted to a candid world for the truth of which we
pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.
He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome
and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate
and pressing importance, unless suspended in
their operation till his assent should be obtained; and,
when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to
them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation
of large districts of people, unless those people
would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature,
a right inestimable to them, and formidable to
tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository
of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing
them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly
and continually for opposing with manly firmness his
invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions
to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative
powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to
the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining,
in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion
from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of
these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for
naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to
encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions
of new appropriations of lands.
certain
alter
repeated
all having5 THOMAS JEFFERSON THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 6
He has suffered the administration of justice totally
to cease in some of these states refusing his assent to
laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made our judges dependent on his will alone,
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment
of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, by a selfassumed
power and sent hither swarms of officers to
harass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies
and ships of war without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent
of, and superior to, the civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction
foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged
by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended
legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops
among us; for protecting them by a mock trial from
punishment for any murders which they should commit
on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting off our
trade with all parts of the world; for imposing taxes on
us without our consent; for depriving us [ ] of the benefits
of trial by jury; for transporting us beyond seas to be
tried for pretended offences; for abolishing the free
system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing
therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging
its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and
fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule
into these states; for taking away our charters, abolishing
our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the
forms of our governments; for suspending our own legislatures,
It appearing in the course of these debates, that the colonies ofNew York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and SouthCarolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, butthat they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudentto wait for a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July1st; but, that this might occasion as little delay as possible, a committeewas appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. The committeewere John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R.Livingston, and myself. Committees were also appointed, at the sametime, to prepare a plan of confederation for the colonies, and to statethe terms proper to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committeefor drawing the Declaration of Independence, desired me to do it. Itwas accordingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to theHouse on Friday, the 28th of June, when it was read, and ordered tolie on the table. On Monday, the 1st of July, the House resolved itselfinto a committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of theoriginal motion made by the delegates of Virginia, which, being againdebated through the day, was carried in the affirmative by the votes ofNew Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, NewJersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. South Carolinaand Pennsylvania voted against it. Delaware had but two memberspresent, and they were divided. The delegates from New York declaredthey were for it themselves, and were assured their constituentswere for it; but that their instructions having been drawn near atwelve-month before, when reconciliation was still the general object,they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should impede thatobject. They, therefore, thought themselves not justifiable in voting oneither side, and asked leave to withdraw from the question: which wasgiven them. The committee rose and reported their resolution to theHouse. Mr. Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, then requested thedetermination might be put off to the next day, as he believed his colleagues,though they disapproved of the resolution, would then join init for the sake of unanimity. The ultimate question, whether the Housewould agree to the resolution of the committee, was accordingly postponedto the next day, when it was again moved, and South Carolinaconcurred in voting for it. In the meantime, a third member had comepost from the Delaware counties, and turned the vote of that colony infavor of the resolution. Members of a different sentiment attendingthat morning from Pennsylvania also, her vote was changed, so thatthe whole twelve colonies who were authorized to vote at all, gavetheir voices for it; and, within a few days, the convention of New Yorkapproved of it, and thus supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawingof her delegates from the vote.Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration ofIndependence, which had been reported and lain on the table the Fridaypreceding, and on Monday referred to a committee of the whole.The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keepingterms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, thosepassages which conveyed censures on the people of England werestruck out, lest they should give them offense. The clause too, reprobatingthe enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisanceto South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted torestrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, stillwished to continue it. Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt a littletender under those censures; for though their people had very fewslaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers ofthem to others. The debates, having taken up the greater parts of the2d, 3d, and 4th days of July, were, on the evening of the last, closed;the Declaration was reported by the committee, agreed to by theHouse, and signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson. Asthe sentiments of men are known not only by what they receive, butwhat they reject also, I will state the form of the Declaration as originallyreported. The parts struck out by Congress shall be distinguishedby a black line drawn under them, and those inserted by them shall beplaced in the margin, or in a concurrent column. 3 THOMAS JEFFERSON THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 4A Declaration by the representatives of the United States ofAmerica, in General Congress assembled.When in the course of human events, it becomesnecessary for one people to dissolve the political bandswhich have connected them with another, and to assumeamong the powers of the earth, the separate and equalstation to which the laws of nature and of nature’s Godentitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankindrequires that they should declare the causes whichimpel them to the separation.We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all menare created equal; that they are endowed by their Creatorwith inherent and inalienable rights, that amongthese are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That,to secure these rights, governments are instituted amongmen, deriving their just powers from the consent of thegoverned; that whenever any form of government becomesdestructive of these ends, it is the right of thepeople to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a newgovernment, laying its foundation on such principlesand organizing its powers in such form, as to them shallseem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments longestablished should not be changed for light and transientcauses; and accordingly all experience hath shown, thatmankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable,than to right themselves by abolishing the formsto which they are accustomed. But when a long train ofabuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished periodand pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a designto reduce them under absolute despotism, it is theirright, it is their duty to throw off such government, andto provide new guards for their future security. Such hasbeen the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such isnow the necessity which constrains them to expungetheir former systems of government. The history of thepresent King of Great Britain is a history of unremittinginjuries and usurpations, among which appears no solitaryfact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, butall have in direct object the establishment of an absolutetyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts besubmitted to a candid world for the truth of which wepledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesomeand necessary for the public good.He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediateand pressing importance, unless suspended intheir operation till his assent should be obtained; and,when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend tothem.He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodationof large districts of people, unless those peoplewould relinquish the right of representation in the legislature,a right inestimable to them, and formidable to
tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository
of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing
them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly
and continually for opposing with manly firmness his
invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions
to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative
powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to
the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining,
in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion
from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of
these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for
naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to
encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions
of new appropriations of lands.
certain
alter
repeated
all having5 THOMAS JEFFERSON THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 6
He has suffered the administration of justice totally
to cease in some of these states refusing his assent to
laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made our judges dependent on his will alone,
for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment
of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, by a selfassumed
power and sent hither swarms of officers to
harass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies
and ships of war without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent
of, and superior to, the civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction
foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged
by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended
legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops
among us; for protecting them by a mock trial from
punishment for any murders which they should commit
on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting off our
trade with all parts of the world; for imposing taxes on
us without our consent; for depriving us [ ] of the benefits
of trial by jury; for transporting us beyond seas to be
tried for pretended offences; for abolishing the free
system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing
therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging
its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and
fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule
into these states; for taking away our charters, abolishing
our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the
forms of our governments; for suspending our own legislatures,
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