With the publication of De humani corporis fabrica (Basel, 1543)—in August rather than in June as given in the colophon—and of its Epitome (Basel, 1543; German translation by Albanus Torinus, Basel, 1543), Vesalius, with youthful impetuosity, decided to relinquish his anatomical studies for the practice of medicine. Since there was a long tradition of imperial service in his family, he applied to the Emperor Charles V and received an appointment as physician to the imperial household. It was an unfortunate decision since much of his time was henceforth devoted to the complaints of the gluttonous emperor and, as Vesalius wrote, “to the Gallic disease, gastrointestinal disorders, and chronic ailments, which are the usual complaints of my patients.” The imperial service once entered could not be abandoned; Vesalius remained the emperor’s physician until the latter’s abdication, thirteen years later.
Despite his renunciation of anatomical studies, it was inevitable that Vesalius would soon return to his first interest. In January 1544 he traveled to Pisa to give a series of demonstrations at the invitation of Cosimo I, grand duke of Tuscany, who sought unsuccessfully to retain his services. Thereafter, while acting as a military surgeon in the course of the emperor’s wars, Vesalius never failed to visit any nearby medical school, to participate in postmortem examinations, or to take advantage of any opportunities for anatomical research. In 1546, during an extended visit to Regensburg, he wrote a long letter partly concerned with the discovery and therapeutic use of the chinaroot (Chinae radix) in the treatment of syphilis and partly to justify his anatomically heretical activities against the attack of the Galenic anatomists of Paris, most notably those of his former teacher Sylvius. It was published under the title Epistola rationem modumque propinandi radicis chynae decocti pertractans (Basel, 1546).
During his service with the imperial army Vesalius was able to apply his unrivaled anatomical knowledge to surgery. He learned the emollient treatment of gunshot wounds from the Italian surgeon Bartolomeo Maggi; and although his surgery seems to have been burdened at first by an academic quality not required or even desirable on the battlefield, he quickly learned existing surgical techniques and went on to develop others. His most notable contribution was the introduction, as early as 1547, of surgically induced drainage of empyema, and he became so proficient in this procedure that he was sufficiently confident of the outcome to recommend it to other surgeons. His account of this operation, written as a letter (1562) to Giovanni Filippo Ingrassia of Sicily, was an outstanding contribution to the surgical literature. His reputation as a surgeon became so great that in 1559, when Henry II of France received what was to be a fatal head wound in a tournament. Vesalius was summoned from Brussels and placed in charge of the patient, despite the presence of the distinguished French surgeon Ambroise Paré. Vesalius wrote the report of the case after its termination.
The qualities of mind that had been responsible for the Fabrica brought Vesalius the reputation of being one of the great physicians of his age; his opinion was widely sought in grave medical problems. There are a number of contemporary references to him as “that noble physician” and “the best physician in the world.” An instance of what he considered the proper relation of anatomy to medicine was his remarkable diagnosis and correct prognosis in 1555 of an internal aneurysm in a living patient.
As his experience became greater and as he realized the need for correcting errors of fact and faults of composition in the Fabrica, Vesalius gave more thought to a new edition. It is not known when an agreement was reached with the publisher Oporinus for the costly enterprise, but it was at some time after 1547; and it seems most likely that Vesalius wrote the revised text during an extended sojourn with the emperor in Augsburg between August 1550 and October 1551. However, it was only after a long delay that the revised edition was published in Basel in August 1555.
With the abdication of Charles V in 1555, Vesalius for unknown reasons took service with his son Philip II of Spain as physician to the Netherlanders at the Spanish court and, from time to time, to the king himself. He remained in Spain from 1559 until the year of his death.
At the close of 1561 Vesalius completed a long reply to the Observationes anatomicae (1561) of Gabriele Falloppio, a respectful criticism of certain aspects of the Fabrica, which had been sent to him by the author during the preceding summer. Vesalius’ reply, later published under the title of Anatomicarum Gabrielis Falloppii observationum examen (Venice, 1564), is partly a defense against Falloppio’s criticisms and partly an acceptance of them. In addition, it stated Vesalius’ desire to return to his former chair of anatomy at Padua. During the spring of 1562, on the command of Philip II, Vesalius joined the physicians involved in the care and treatment of Don Carlos, the king’s son and heir, who, as the result of a fall, had received a severe injury to his head and was for long in grave danger.
In 1564 Vesalius left Spain for a trip to the Holy Land. Contrary to various legends, the journey appears to have been undertaken with the friendly approbation of the king, although it is not entirely clear whether Vesalius intended to return to Spain. After a visit to Venice—where he apparently was invited to accept his former chair at padua in succession to Falloppio, who had died—he set sail in March for the Holy Land by way of Cyprus. It is not known precisely when the return voyage was begun, but in any event his ship was delayed by a violent storm. After much hardship it finally reached the island of Zákinthos in October, where Vesalius died and was buried in an unidentified site.
Vesalius produced only one book of great importance, De humani corporis fabrica (1543), to which may be added several complementary works, the Epitome (1543), Epistola rationem modumque propinandi radicis chynae (1546), the revised edition of the Fabrica (1555), and the Examen (1564).
Several motives underlay the composition and publication of the Fabrica. According to Vesalius medicine was properly composed of three parts; drugs, diet, and “the use of the hands,” by which last he referred to surgical practice and especially to its necessary preliminary, a knowledge of human anatomy that could be acquired only by dissecting human bodies with one’s own hands. Through disdain of anatomy, the most fundamental aspect of medicine, or, as Vesalius phrased it, by refusal to lay their hands on the patient’s body, physicians betray their profession and are physicians only in part.
Vesalius hoped that by his example in Padua and especially by his verbal and pictorial presentation in the Fabrica he might persuade the medical world to appreciate anatomy as fundamental to all other aspects of medicine and that, through the application of his principles of investigation, a genuine knowledge of human anatomy would be achieved by others, in contrast to the more restricted traditional outlook and the uncritical acceptance of Galenic anatomy. The very word “fabrica” could be interpreted as referring not only to the structure of the body but to the basic structure or foundation of the medical art as well. Thus, Vesalius directed his work toward the established physician, whom he hoped to attract to the study of anatomy as a major but neglected aspect of a true medicine and, no less important, toward those members of the medical profession who were concerned with the teaching of anatomy and might be induced to forsake their long-accepted traditional methods for those proposed by Vesalius. As anatomy was then taught, he wrote, “there is very little offered to the [students] that could not better be taught by a butcher in his shop.”
The Fabrica was also written to demonstrate the fallacious character of Galenic anatomy and all that it implied. Since Galen’s anatomy was based upon the dissection and observation of animals, it was worthless as an explanation of the human structure; and since previous anatomical texts were essentially Galenic, they likewise were worthless and ought to be disregarded. Human anatomy was to be learned only by dissection and investigation of the human body, the true source of such knowledge. Nevertheless it was desirable that human dissection be accompanied by a parallel dissection of the bodies of other animals in order to show the differences in structure and hence the source of Galen’s errors. “Physicians ought to make use not only of the bones of man but, for the sake of Galen of those of the ape and dog.” It was because of Vesalius that Padua became the first great center of comparative as well as of human anatomical studies, a dual interest that continued to develop under his successors Falloppio, Fabrici, and Casserio.
According to Vesalius, the student or physician ought to carry on these activities himself and should personally dissect the human body. The professor or teacher must also descend from hiscathedra, dismiss the surgeon who had formerly performed the actual anatomy, and undertake his own dissecting. Moreover, it was not sufficient to base judgments upon a single dissection: the same dissection should be repeated upon several bodies until the dissector could be certain that his observations did not represent structural anomaly. Even the reader of the Fabrica must not be content to accept Vesalius’ descriptions without question but ought to test them by his own dissections and observations. For this purpose the descriptive chapters of the Fabrica are frequently followed by directions for making one’s own dissection of the part described so as to arrive at an independent conclusion.
Vesalius regarded the F
With the publication of De humani corporis fabrica (Basel, 1543)—in August rather than in June as given in the colophon—and of its Epitome (Basel, 1543; German translation by Albanus Torinus, Basel, 1543), Vesalius, with youthful impetuosity, decided to relinquish his anatomical studies for the practice of medicine. Since there was a long tradition of imperial service in his family, he applied to the Emperor Charles V and received an appointment as physician to the imperial household. It was an unfortunate decision since much of his time was henceforth devoted to the complaints of the gluttonous emperor and, as Vesalius wrote, “to the Gallic disease, gastrointestinal disorders, and chronic ailments, which are the usual complaints of my patients.” The imperial service once entered could not be abandoned; Vesalius remained the emperor’s physician until the latter’s abdication, thirteen years later.Despite his renunciation of anatomical studies, it was inevitable that Vesalius would soon return to his first interest. In January 1544 he traveled to Pisa to give a series of demonstrations at the invitation of Cosimo I, grand duke of Tuscany, who sought unsuccessfully to retain his services. Thereafter, while acting as a military surgeon in the course of the emperor’s wars, Vesalius never failed to visit any nearby medical school, to participate in postmortem examinations, or to take advantage of any opportunities for anatomical research. In 1546, during an extended visit to Regensburg, he wrote a long letter partly concerned with the discovery and therapeutic use of the chinaroot (Chinae radix) in the treatment of syphilis and partly to justify his anatomically heretical activities against the attack of the Galenic anatomists of Paris, most notably those of his former teacher Sylvius. It was published under the title Epistola rationem modumque propinandi radicis chynae decocti pertractans (Basel, 1546).During his service with the imperial army Vesalius was able to apply his unrivaled anatomical knowledge to surgery. He learned the emollient treatment of gunshot wounds from the Italian surgeon Bartolomeo Maggi; and although his surgery seems to have been burdened at first by an academic quality not required or even desirable on the battlefield, he quickly learned existing surgical techniques and went on to develop others. His most notable contribution was the introduction, as early as 1547, of surgically induced drainage of empyema, and he became so proficient in this procedure that he was sufficiently confident of the outcome to recommend it to other surgeons. His account of this operation, written as a letter (1562) to Giovanni Filippo Ingrassia of Sicily, was an outstanding contribution to the surgical literature. His reputation as a surgeon became so great that in 1559, when Henry II of France received what was to be a fatal head wound in a tournament. Vesalius was summoned from Brussels and placed in charge of the patient, despite the presence of the distinguished French surgeon Ambroise Paré. Vesalius wrote the report of the case after its termination.The qualities of mind that had been responsible for the Fabrica brought Vesalius the reputation of being one of the great physicians of his age; his opinion was widely sought in grave medical problems. There are a number of contemporary references to him as “that noble physician” and “the best physician in the world.” An instance of what he considered the proper relation of anatomy to medicine was his remarkable diagnosis and correct prognosis in 1555 of an internal aneurysm in a living patient.As his experience became greater and as he realized the need for correcting errors of fact and faults of composition in the Fabrica, Vesalius gave more thought to a new edition. It is not known when an agreement was reached with the publisher Oporinus for the costly enterprise, but it was at some time after 1547; and it seems most likely that Vesalius wrote the revised text during an extended sojourn with the emperor in Augsburg between August 1550 and October 1551. However, it was only after a long delay that the revised edition was published in Basel in August 1555.With the abdication of Charles V in 1555, Vesalius for unknown reasons took service with his son Philip II of Spain as physician to the Netherlanders at the Spanish court and, from time to time, to the king himself. He remained in Spain from 1559 until the year of his death.At the close of 1561 Vesalius completed a long reply to the Observationes anatomicae (1561) of Gabriele Falloppio, a respectful criticism of certain aspects of the Fabrica, which had been sent to him by the author during the preceding summer. Vesalius’ reply, later published under the title of Anatomicarum Gabrielis Falloppii observationum examen (Venice, 1564), is partly a defense against Falloppio’s criticisms and partly an acceptance of them. In addition, it stated Vesalius’ desire to return to his former chair of anatomy at Padua. During the spring of 1562, on the command of Philip II, Vesalius joined the physicians involved in the care and treatment of Don Carlos, the king’s son and heir, who, as the result of a fall, had received a severe injury to his head and was for long in grave danger.In 1564 Vesalius left Spain for a trip to the Holy Land. Contrary to various legends, the journey appears to have been undertaken with the friendly approbation of the king, although it is not entirely clear whether Vesalius intended to return to Spain. After a visit to Venice—where he apparently was invited to accept his former chair at padua in succession to Falloppio, who had died—he set sail in March for the Holy Land by way of Cyprus. It is not known precisely when the return voyage was begun, but in any event his ship was delayed by a violent storm. After much hardship it finally reached the island of Zákinthos in October, where Vesalius died and was buried in an unidentified site.Vesalius produced only one book of great importance, De humani corporis fabrica (1543), to which may be added several complementary works, the Epitome (1543), Epistola rationem modumque propinandi radicis chynae (1546), the revised edition of the Fabrica (1555), and the Examen (1564).
Several motives underlay the composition and publication of the Fabrica. According to Vesalius medicine was properly composed of three parts; drugs, diet, and “the use of the hands,” by which last he referred to surgical practice and especially to its necessary preliminary, a knowledge of human anatomy that could be acquired only by dissecting human bodies with one’s own hands. Through disdain of anatomy, the most fundamental aspect of medicine, or, as Vesalius phrased it, by refusal to lay their hands on the patient’s body, physicians betray their profession and are physicians only in part.
Vesalius hoped that by his example in Padua and especially by his verbal and pictorial presentation in the Fabrica he might persuade the medical world to appreciate anatomy as fundamental to all other aspects of medicine and that, through the application of his principles of investigation, a genuine knowledge of human anatomy would be achieved by others, in contrast to the more restricted traditional outlook and the uncritical acceptance of Galenic anatomy. The very word “fabrica” could be interpreted as referring not only to the structure of the body but to the basic structure or foundation of the medical art as well. Thus, Vesalius directed his work toward the established physician, whom he hoped to attract to the study of anatomy as a major but neglected aspect of a true medicine and, no less important, toward those members of the medical profession who were concerned with the teaching of anatomy and might be induced to forsake their long-accepted traditional methods for those proposed by Vesalius. As anatomy was then taught, he wrote, “there is very little offered to the [students] that could not better be taught by a butcher in his shop.”
The Fabrica was also written to demonstrate the fallacious character of Galenic anatomy and all that it implied. Since Galen’s anatomy was based upon the dissection and observation of animals, it was worthless as an explanation of the human structure; and since previous anatomical texts were essentially Galenic, they likewise were worthless and ought to be disregarded. Human anatomy was to be learned only by dissection and investigation of the human body, the true source of such knowledge. Nevertheless it was desirable that human dissection be accompanied by a parallel dissection of the bodies of other animals in order to show the differences in structure and hence the source of Galen’s errors. “Physicians ought to make use not only of the bones of man but, for the sake of Galen of those of the ape and dog.” It was because of Vesalius that Padua became the first great center of comparative as well as of human anatomical studies, a dual interest that continued to develop under his successors Falloppio, Fabrici, and Casserio.
According to Vesalius, the student or physician ought to carry on these activities himself and should personally dissect the human body. The professor or teacher must also descend from hiscathedra, dismiss the surgeon who had formerly performed the actual anatomy, and undertake his own dissecting. Moreover, it was not sufficient to base judgments upon a single dissection: the same dissection should be repeated upon several bodies until the dissector could be certain that his observations did not represent structural anomaly. Even the reader of the Fabrica must not be content to accept Vesalius’ descriptions without question but ought to test them by his own dissections and observations. For this purpose the descriptive chapters of the Fabrica are frequently followed by directions for making one’s own dissection of the part described so as to arrive at an independent conclusion.
Vesalius regarded the F
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