The tendency of Filipino families towards a more nuclear living arrangement, which is
composed of parents and children,49 may have been stalled when international migration
accelerated as the departure of fathers, and especially mothers, reconfigured family
arrangements. When one or both parents migrate, other family members are likely to
join the household to provide support to the left-behind family members. When it is the
mothers who migrate, living arrangements are likely to undergo more rearrangements
to fill the void in the caregiving responsibilities that are typically assumed by mothers.
In comparison, when fathers work abroad, mothers continue providing care plus they
take on additional roles which were previously performed by fathers. Data from the 2008
Philippine survey of the Child Health and Migrant Parents in Southeast Asia (CHAMPSEA)
Project50 show that transnational households—that is, households with a father, mother
or both parents working overseas—tend to have a larger household size than resident
or non-migrant households. Ang et al. (2009) reached the same conclusion from their
analysis of Family Income and Expenditure Survey data for 2000, 2003 and 2006.
Moreover, transnational households are likely to have grandparents as members of the
unit, suggesting the role of grandparents, especially grandmothers, as carers (see also
ECMI/AOS-Manila, SMC and OWWA, 2004). Ethnographic data, such as those gathered by a
study of a Batangas village (Aguilar et al., 2010), support this observation. As documented
by a nationwide study of families and children in 2003 and the 2008 CHAMPSEA study,
few transnational households had domestic workers, and even if they were present, paid
The tendency of Filipino families towards a more nuclear living arrangement, which iscomposed of parents and children,49 may have been stalled when international migrationaccelerated as the departure of fathers, and especially mothers, reconfigured familyarrangements. When one or both parents migrate, other family members are likely tojoin the household to provide support to the left-behind family members. When it is themothers who migrate, living arrangements are likely to undergo more rearrangementsto fill the void in the caregiving responsibilities that are typically assumed by mothers.In comparison, when fathers work abroad, mothers continue providing care plus theytake on additional roles which were previously performed by fathers. Data from the 2008Philippine survey of the Child Health and Migrant Parents in Southeast Asia (CHAMPSEA)Project50 show that transnational households—that is, households with a father, motheror both parents working overseas—tend to have a larger household size than residentor non-migrant households. Ang et al. (2009) reached the same conclusion from theiranalysis of Family Income and Expenditure Survey data for 2000, 2003 and 2006.Moreover, transnational households are likely to have grandparents as members of theunit, suggesting the role of grandparents, especially grandmothers, as carers (see alsoECMI/AOS-Manila, SMC and OWWA, 2004). Ethnographic data, such as those gathered by astudy of a Batangas village (Aguilar et al., 2010), support this observation. As documentedby a nationwide study of families and children in 2003 and the 2008 CHAMPSEA study,few transnational households had domestic workers, and even if they were present, paid
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