Yet territoriality, though historically essen- tial to the evolution of democratic represen- tation, identifies only one set of ways in which individuals are involved in, or affected by, col- lective structures and decisions. Issues such as migration, global trade, and environment, for example, are extraterritorial; they are not con- tained by any existing territorially organized polity (Benhabib 2004, Gould 2004, Held & Koenig-Archibugi 2005, Bohman 2007). Other issues are nonterritorial, particularly those involving identity, such as religion, ethnicity, nationalism, professional identity, recreation, gender identity, and many social movements. Such nonterritorial interests are not new to democratic theorists. The main object of disagreement in making and inter- preting the democratic constitution of the Weimar Republic, for example, was whether representation should represent individuals or corporate interests. In modern constitutional democracies, however, the older corporatist views of parliaments and representation have given way to the representation of individ- uals whose only commonality is residence. Thus, legislatures attend to nonresidential constituencies only indirectly—not because citizens have equal shares of power assigned by territory, but rather because pressure and advocacy groups can organize territory-based votes along nonterritorial lines (Dahl 1956, 1971; cf. Mansbridge 2003). Other venues have emerged to represent other kinds of con- stituencies. The world is now populated with a very large number of transnational, extraterri- torial, and nonterritorial actors, ranging from relatively formalized institutions built out of territorial units (such as the United Na- tions, the World Bank, the European Union, and numerous treaty organizations), to a multitude of nongovernmental organizations, transnational movements, associations, and social networks (Anheier et al. 2004, Saward 2006a), each making representative claims and serving representative functions.
Yet territoriality, though historically essen- tial to the evolution of democratic represen- tation, identifies only one set of ways in which individuals are involved in, or affected by, col- lective structures and decisions. Issues such as migration, global trade, and environment, for example, are extraterritorial; they are not con- tained by any existing territorially organized polity (Benhabib 2004, Gould 2004, Held & Koenig-Archibugi 2005, Bohman 2007). Other issues are nonterritorial, particularly those involving identity, such as religion, ethnicity, nationalism, professional identity, recreation, gender identity, and many social movements. Such nonterritorial interests are not new to democratic theorists. The main object of disagreement in making and inter- preting the democratic constitution of the Weimar Republic, for example, was whether representation should represent individuals or corporate interests. In modern constitutional democracies, however, the older corporatist views of parliaments and representation have given way to the representation of individ- uals whose only commonality is residence. Thus, legislatures attend to nonresidential constituencies only indirectly—not because citizens have equal shares of power assigned by territory, but rather because pressure and advocacy groups can organize territory-based votes along nonterritorial lines (Dahl 1956, 1971; cf. Mansbridge 2003). Other venues have emerged to represent other kinds of con- stituencies. The world is now populated with a very large number of transnational, extraterri- torial, and nonterritorial actors, ranging from relatively formalized institutions built out of territorial units (such as the United Na- tions, the World Bank, the European Union, and numerous treaty organizations), to a multitude of nongovernmental organizations, transnational movements, associations, and social networks (Anheier et al. 2004, Saward 2006a), each making representative claims and serving representative functions.
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