One issue is the multiple meanings CSA have can haven in a single country. For example, in the
Hungarian CSA movement alone, with only 10 projects running in 2013, there is a distinction between
“share ml” and “box scheme model”(1). Additionally, there are regional specificities: in the new EU
member states it is a challenge to manage trust between consumers and producers who have prejudice
about the community-based operations due to the enforced co-operatives of the socialist era. In Korea,
and more widely in the Asian context, the ‘box scheme model’ is blossoming while the ‘share model’ is
less successful. Let’s explore the creativity and the diversity of the movement.
The second axis should be an investigation on the attempts to set boundaries that clearly separates CSA
from a purely “business driven model”. A common rule that is emerging from the existing Charters
(France and the UK) is that CSA requires a strong commitment, since it relies heavily on the voluntary
work of consumers and involvement in a solidarity-based not-for-profit rather then market-oriented
interest. The case of the very detailed regulation passed in 2014 in the State of California, backed by
local CSA farmers and a CSA network called “the community Alliance for Family Farmers, is very
interesting (2). It shows that there is an strong feeling about the need to act in order to protect against
“non farm-based aggregated box schemes” from calling themselves CSA. The ongoing debate on a very
successful Internet platform-based box scheme in France, and the tensions with the CSA movement, are
another sign of the same phenomenon.
In these non-CSA businesses, flexibility is presented as an asset, and compared with the rigidity of the
traditional CSA model. Based on concrete local food movements’ experiences studies in Asia, the
Americas and Europe, we will try to answer the following questions.
One issue is the multiple meanings CSA have can haven in a single country. For example, in theHungarian CSA movement alone, with only 10 projects running in 2013, there is a distinction between“share ml” and “box scheme model”(1). Additionally, there are regional specificities: in the new EUmember states it is a challenge to manage trust between consumers and producers who have prejudiceabout the community-based operations due to the enforced co-operatives of the socialist era. In Korea,and more widely in the Asian context, the ‘box scheme model’ is blossoming while the ‘share model’ isless successful. Let’s explore the creativity and the diversity of the movement.The second axis should be an investigation on the attempts to set boundaries that clearly separates CSAfrom a purely “business driven model”. A common rule that is emerging from the existing Charters(France and the UK) is that CSA requires a strong commitment, since it relies heavily on the voluntarywork of consumers and involvement in a solidarity-based not-for-profit rather then market-orientedinterest. The case of the very detailed regulation passed in 2014 in the State of California, backed bylocal CSA farmers and a CSA network called “the community Alliance for Family Farmers, is veryinteresting (2). It shows that there is an strong feeling about the need to act in order to protect against“non farm-based aggregated box schemes” from calling themselves CSA. The ongoing debate on a verysuccessful Internet platform-based box scheme in France, and the tensions with the CSA movement, areanother sign of the same phenomenon.In these non-CSA businesses, flexibility is presented as an asset, and compared with the rigidity of thetraditional CSA model. Based on concrete local food movements’ experiences studies in Asia, theAmericas and Europe, we will try to answer the following questions.
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