ISI was widely adopted in Latin America, as elsewhere in the Third World, with impressive results as industry grew rapidly. The newly industrialized countries (including Latin American countries with large populations, like Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico) collectively had growth rates of 8.4% in 1964–1973 and 5.3% in 1973–1983, with the East Asian countries sustaining growth rates on the order of 10% a year, often for a decade or more (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 1988). Import substitution and infant industry protection led to high productivities, particularly in Latin America during the 1960s and 1970s (Bosworth and Collins 2003). More importantly, as industrialization moved from the production of simple products like textiles to more complex products like steel and automobiles, workers who were increasingly unionized were able to demand and get higher wages from employers and better services from Third World states. Over time, however, import substitution industrialization came to have a bad reputation in conventional circles—it was said to produce high-cost, low-quality industrial goods, it neglected agriculture, and it established entrenched positions for foreign capital. The remedy came to be seen as the cause of the illness (Blomstrom and Hettne 1984; Chilcote 1984; Harris 1986). “Bad reputations,” however, are often undeserved. ISI served Third World countries well, enabling an industrialization that would never have happened in the classical liberal conditions of free trade, open borders, and no state intervention.