The Brain and Religious Adaptations
WHAT WE HAVE AND HAVE NOT SAID
We have said that available neurophysiological data are consistent
with the brainsoothe hypothesis and that we are unaware of reports
that refute this hypothesis. We have also said that the hypothesis is
consistent with the view that religious beliefs, in conjunction with rit-
uals and socialization, can be viewed as contributing to adaptations as
we have defined them. There are, however, alternative views.8 And
we have speculated that the predictable brainsoothing effects of reli-
gious participation are significant factors contributing to the high per-
centage of people who are believers and participants in religious
rituals and socialization. A clear implication of these points is that a
religion's capacity to facilitate brainsoothing will influence the num-
ber of its members.
We have not said or suggested that there is or is not a higher power
in the universe, that religion is the only way to brainsoothe, that our
hypothesis explains all of religion, or that it applies to other than the
world's two major religions. If, as scholars have suggested, 8 religion
has gone through progressive changes from more primitive types to
the more worldly types we have discussed—Islam and Christianity—
our hypothesis may apply only to the worldly types.
There are, of course, many ways of looking at religions and their
functions and effects (this entire volume). Evolutionary explanations
are particularly interesting. For example, religious belief and behavior
may have been selected in the Darwinian sense or they may be by
products of other evolved traits. Or "our ancestors' belief in God
may have been what created many parts of the human mind—gifts'
83
as some would say. While our hypothesis is not inconsistent with
these views, we offer two alternatives: that religions have evolved
and changed to conform to those evolving capacities of the brain that
render brainsoothing more efficient; one's baseline genetic-
neurophysiological profile may affect the attractiveness of religious-
based brainsoothing and the probability of religious membership.
There is a further implication of our hypothesis: the consistently
reported decrease in the number of people participating in religion
in Europe and the United States (but apparently not in the world of
Islam) invites the view that in the past religions served as a major
source of brainsoothing and that they have declined as a key source
as alternative ways of soothing such as spas, holidays, media, sports,
psychotherapy, professional massages, and gym programs have
The Brain and Religious Adaptations
WHAT WE HAVE AND HAVE NOT SAID
We have said that available neurophysiological data are consistent
with the brainsoothe hypothesis and that we are unaware of reports
that refute this hypothesis. We have also said that the hypothesis is
consistent with the view that religious beliefs, in conjunction with rit-
uals and socialization, can be viewed as contributing to adaptations as
we have defined them. There are, however, alternative views.8 And
we have speculated that the predictable brainsoothing effects of reli-
gious participation are significant factors contributing to the high per-
centage of people who are believers and participants in religious
rituals and socialization. A clear implication of these points is that a
religion's capacity to facilitate brainsoothing will influence the num-
ber of its members.
We have not said or suggested that there is or is not a higher power
in the universe, that religion is the only way to brainsoothe, that our
hypothesis explains all of religion, or that it applies to other than the
world's two major religions. If, as scholars have suggested, 8 religion
has gone through progressive changes from more primitive types to
the more worldly types we have discussed—Islam and Christianity—
our hypothesis may apply only to the worldly types.
There are, of course, many ways of looking at religions and their
functions and effects (this entire volume). Evolutionary explanations
are particularly interesting. For example, religious belief and behavior
may have been selected in the Darwinian sense or they may be by
products of other evolved traits. Or "our ancestors' belief in God
may have been what created many parts of the human mind—gifts'
83
as some would say. While our hypothesis is not inconsistent with
these views, we offer two alternatives: that religions have evolved
and changed to conform to those evolving capacities of the brain that
render brainsoothing more efficient; one's baseline genetic-
neurophysiological profile may affect the attractiveness of religious-
based brainsoothing and the probability of religious membership.
There is a further implication of our hypothesis: the consistently
reported decrease in the number of people participating in religion
in Europe and the United States (but apparently not in the world of
Islam) invites the view that in the past religions served as a major
source of brainsoothing and that they have declined as a key source
as alternative ways of soothing such as spas, holidays, media, sports,
psychotherapy, professional massages, and gym programs have
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