Communicating in English: Flexibility Within a Norm
Mark D. Offner
Aichi Insitute of Technology (Toyota, Japan)
offner [at] ge.aitech.ac.jp
http://www.aitech.ac.jp/~offner/
Originally published in
Bulletin of Aichi Institute of Technology
Vol. 30, Part A, pages 23-29
March 1995
Abstract
Throughout the years there has been much controversy concerning the question of whether a standard English actually does exist and, if so, how should it be defined? A study of the wide variety of materials published on this issue reveals that the opinions and conclusions are as varied and far-reaching as the topic itself. From this it could be concluded that a standard English does not exist simply because no consensus can be reached on this subject and because, in reality, there are a wide variety of English dialects presently in use. It might be asked whether it would be beneficial or even desirable to label and define some form as standard and attempt to spread this "superior" form to all non-native (as well as native) speakers as the only officially accepted form of English. In DEALING with these questions this paper suggests that any attempt to define a standard English is essentially futile and that the form English will take is naturally determined by usage and communicability - factors which are beyond control.
1. The existence of a variety of dialects.
There exists a distinct difference between the English of America and that of England, and likewise, the English which is spoken and taught in foreign countries is also unique. Within America and England it is common to find many regional accents and expressions which are not used in other areas as they reflect that region's peculiar heritage and values. It is not surprising, then, to find in foreign countries new forms of English which have been adapted to that country's environment and to meet its needs.
That a variety of English dialects do exist, dialects which are in constant use and accepted in their own context, cannot be disputed. Yet there are many native speakers (sometimes called "elitists" or "purists") who would have the non-native varieties eliminated in favor of the "correct" native form, forcing this "superior" form on the foreign language student. But to insist that non-native speakers of English speak "standard" English (even if one knew what that was), or some special form of native English, is to demand that the non-native speaker view things as a native English speaker would - an unreasonable, if not impossible, proposition. Language must necessarily relate to and reflect the speaker's heritage and culture. One main incentive to learn a second or foreign language is to convey one's own views as understood in one's own culture, from one's own background, and not to be transformed into a product of the foreign language and its culture. (However, as one gains greater knowledge of the foreign culture through language study, a more receptive and sympathetic attitude could result paving the way to better communication and a deeper cultural understanding and exchange.)1
Many who favor enforcing a standard form of English pose the "tower of Babel" argument. The proponents of this view claim that by allowing or tolerating the use of different forms of English, with their differences in pronunciation, grammar, and expressions, English would eventually become unintelligible to others. Paradoxically then, we would be faced with a growing lack of communication in a language which is fast becoming international since it would become fragmented into various types of English, producing less universal forms.
Others cite mockery as a problem. If an unusual variation of native English is used, people will tend to look down on the speakers as uneducated or they may openly ridicule them. According to this "elitist" argument, it is important to use "standard" English in educated circles.
2. Dialects naturally conform to the norm.
However, in this dispute over standard English and its application, not enough attention is paid to a single, fundamental point. Although in essence it is very simple, the full implications are often overlooked. This is the fact that, out of necessity, there do exist basic boundaries in which the English language fluctuates and flows while readjusting to modern usage. This is the "norm". Unlike the term "standard", the norm need not be strictly defined nor specified for it includes all forms of English that are intelligible to others as an effective means of communication. It is, if somewhat abstract, self-sufficient.
With this in mind, all further discussion concerning a "correct", "standard", or some determined "acceptable" form of English becomes meaningless. That which people are able to understand and the reaction toward the spoken form determine the boundaries and naturally produce a norm preventing off-shoots of English that are incomprehensible to others.2 In his BOOK, "Our Language", Potter states that given the cosmopolitan nature of the United States, "never has there existed any real danger that English might not prove capable of completely assimilating these immigrant tongues or that the children of the French in Louisiana, the Germans in Pennsylvania, the Scandinavians in Minnesota, or the Slavs and Italians in Michigan might not be able to understand, speak, read, and write English in the third and fourth generations." (p.158). Inaccurate pronunciation that is clearly understandable is forgiven whereas pronunciation that is not understood is, and must necessarily be, perfected if the speakers wish to make themselves understood and if the listeners wish to understand (this being the fundamental rule of communication). Thus, certain "bad" or inaccurate pronunciations are permitted and others are not, even among non-native speakers themselves. Furthermore, if one wishes to appear educated or move in educated circles, that person will necessarily need to conform to the presently popular or socially accepted form(s) of English. (The accepted form, of course, could vary from group to group.) In his book, Potter poses the following questions: "Why has England no authoritative linguistic academy, like the Italian Accademia della Crus (1582) or the Academie Francaise (1635) . . . why, it may be asked, should linguistic societies be so reluctant to assume responsibility for the control of 'good usage'?" (p.117). In answering these questions he maintains that the reason lies in the fact that not many people see such control as desirable and even very practicable. In the past when one such attempt was made and failed, Potter says that it was because "correctness was felt to be a relative term... correctness was not to be prescribed by any sort of committee: it was to be measured by the standards of 'good use.'" (p.123).
Non-native speakers of English will naturally conform their use of English to meet the demands of the environment or situation with which they are most often confronted. This is also true of native English speakers, for most are competent in only one or two forms of English and are obviously out-of-place or feel uneasy when communicating in a different milieu. The scholar is usually unable to use the distinctive type of "street talk" found in predominantly blue collar districts and, conversely, the blue collar worker's colorful form of English clearly stands out and apart when used in a white collar or "educated" setting. In his BOOK, Bolinger cites Evans as saying that, "the only question that has any bearing on the propriety of a form of speech is: Is it in reputable use?" ("Aspects of Language", p.103). We must realize, though, that this "reputable use" varies from place to place and situation to situation as much as it does from one generation to another.
3. Flexibility is integral to a dynamic, living language.
The boundaries of the norm are obviously quite broad - encompassing all forms of comprehensible English. But they do nevertheless exist. The fact that English remains fluid and flexible within the norm is a healthy sign of a living, dynamic language. This is necessary for survival for no rigid language would, nor could, be grasped and accepted by such a variety of peoples with differences in heritage, culture, attitude, social environment, etc. "The rhythmic transitions from synthesis to analysis and from analysis to synthesis," Potter states, "are the systole and diastole of the human heart in language . . . In the resuscitation of old affixes and in the creation of new ones English is showing these synthetic powers. Without growth and change there is neither life nor vigour in language." (p.87). Although there are many causes for this "English language imperialism" (as some would call it), one definitive factor is that the English language is pliable and easily adaptable to the needs and demands of all, allowing it to so quickly become an international language.