Since this working paper is concerned with the new topic of Thailand’s FTA policy, the author has tried to gather the basic information on these policies in the context of Thailand’s overall trade policy and WTO stance. Given the incomplete nature of the available information and the fact that the process is an ongoing one, it would be unwise to draw at present any dramatic conclusions. Nevertheless, some provisional conclusions are possible.
First, if the Taksin Government is compared to its predecessor, the Chuan Government, the Taksin Government seems to have a clearer vision in terms of uniting the country’s trade policy with its domestic (industrial) policy. By looking at various speeches, it is possible to conclude that Taksin is trying to use FTAs with neighboring
19 Interview, 15 March 2002. 20 ‘Double standards’ here implies that Taksin’s statement differs from time to time, from place to place, is lacking in consistencies in his statements.
18
countries as a strategy to attract foreign investment and position Thailand as a strategic hub in the transportation (namely, railway) and manufacturing networks of the region.
Second, in terms of developing a trade policy, which is consistent with Article XXIV under the GATT/WTO, the Thai Government seems to be pushing bilateral FTAs in a positive way, although it is acting with great care and caution on this issue.
Finally, based on the research undertaken for this paper, it is possible to offer a preliminary explanation as to why Thailand is so keen to promote bilateral FTAs. The main reasoning that has been driving Taksin’s attitude and approach towards establishing FTAs has been the desire to access a bigger market in Asia, a market that is comparable to the European Union and the FTAA (Free Trade Area of Americas).
Since this working paper is concerned with the new topic of Thailand’s FTA policy, the author has tried to gather the basic information on these policies in the context of Thailand’s overall trade policy and WTO stance. Given the incomplete nature of the available information and the fact that the process is an ongoing one, it would be unwise to draw at present any dramatic conclusions. Nevertheless, some provisional conclusions are possible.
First, if the Taksin Government is compared to its predecessor, the Chuan Government, the Taksin Government seems to have a clearer vision in terms of uniting the country’s trade policy with its domestic (industrial) policy. By looking at various speeches, it is possible to conclude that Taksin is trying to use FTAs with neighboring
19 Interview, 15 March 2002. 20 ‘Double standards’ here implies that Taksin’s statement differs from time to time, from place to place, is lacking in consistencies in his statements.
18
countries as a strategy to attract foreign investment and position Thailand as a strategic hub in the transportation (namely, railway) and manufacturing networks of the region.
Second, in terms of developing a trade policy, which is consistent with Article XXIV under the GATT/WTO, the Thai Government seems to be pushing bilateral FTAs in a positive way, although it is acting with great care and caution on this issue.
Finally, based on the research undertaken for this paper, it is possible to offer a preliminary explanation as to why Thailand is so keen to promote bilateral FTAs. The main reasoning that has been driving Taksin’s attitude and approach towards establishing FTAs has been the desire to access a bigger market in Asia, a market that is comparable to the European Union and the FTAA (Free Trade Area of Americas).
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