1. Here, a primary activity is defined by the proportion of income it contributes to the household in
addition to the subjective perceptions of producers regarding their primary activity. This does not
always correspond to the labour time allocated to an activity. For example, given the seasonality of West
African agriculture, where farming may occupy producers for only half of their time for 4-6 months of
the year the primary production activity as defined here may take less than half of the time of household
members. Nor is "primary activity" conceived in terms of the total value of output - something that
changes year on year depending on uncontrollable factors such as climate. Further, there is evidence that
in some areas (eg northern Nigeria) migrant remittances may provide a substantial cash income to crop
producers, however these people still see their primary production activity as farming, not "farming out"
migrants
.
2. If a relatively small proportion of off-farm income is used for investment purposes, does it mean
that this investment is insignificant in ensuring long–term income growth? A number of writers seem
to make this assumption, yet it has not been explicitly addressed. And, in the absence of cash, farmers
may invest their labour, so this too needs to be taken into consideration.
3. For example, Davies' (1996a:77) assertion that the increase of women's time spent on "a typical"
activities indicates vulnerability is certainly questionable. This change in productive strategies may
increase security in a changing context, depending on the activity and rewards. Hitimana et al (1995)
have shown, for example, that the increased involvement in non-agricultural activities via a powerful
women's organisation was important for some women to survive as well as improve their well-being.
Indeed, those who could not do this were judged to be generally more impoverished