Such a reaction may also explain another community encountered during the collection of computer‐mediated communication data: a community directed against the Macintosh. While not really threatening the Microsoft community, the Macintosh brand community is a strong, proud, and confident community. Team MacSuck (an anti‐Mac community) was encountered in the Web data during the search for Macintosh home pages. The primary reason it exists is to prove to “MacLovers that the anti‐Mac community is not a minority.” It is not so much a community of PC users as it is a community of Mac haters. Team MacSuck appears to have many of the same characteristics of other brand communities, including an extensive registry of members. The very existence of Team MacSuck certainly attests to the perceived strength (and threat) of the Mac brand community.
So, with respect to consciousness of kind, we find brand communities to be very consistent with other communities. There are, however, some observed particularities in how consciousness of kind is constructed in brand communities. For one, there is an interesting self‐awareness and sensitivity concerning the commercial nature of the community. These consumers are aware that their feelings are about mass‐produced and mass‐advertised branded products. Members will even joke about their level of commitment, but only to a point. More than one community member prefaces a brand comment with something similar to Mark's: “it may sound kind of strange . . . but.” Sometimes these become outright defensive: “Look, some people really like the Cubs, like to talk about the Cubs . . . so . . . no one thinks that's strange.” These consumers know that their membership may be taken as signs of shallowness, fanaticism, materialism, and hedonism. Yet most feel that such judgments reveal an ignorance of the real value of the brand and its community: “not everyone understands, but Saabs are GREAT cars, practical, but fun.” All this evidences a communal ethos, informed by a commercial and mass sensibility. In fact, brand communities generally seem more democratic and inclusive than many traditional face‐to‐face communities. Perhaps this is because they are so entirely situated in a relatively laissez‐faire market force ethic, or the commercial ethos Scott (1993) calls the spectacular vernacular. Members tell you that race, gender, and class don’t matter: “all you got to do is appreciate it [SAAB].” And, to a significant degree, brand communities do seem to be fairly open communities, where shared brand consciousness is primary. Still, it would be inaccurate to assert that the brand communities observed here were entirely outside the influence of social stratification. They were not.
ปฏิกิริยาดังกล่าวอาจยังอธิบายชุมชนอื่นที่พบในระหว่างการรวบรวมข้อมูลสื่อสาร computer‐mediated: ชุมชนตรงกับ Macintosh ได้ ในขณะที่คุกคามชุมชน Microsoft ไม่ได้จริง ๆ Macintosh แบรนด์ชุมชนเป็นชุมชนแข็งแรง ความภูมิใจ และมั่นใจ ทีม MacSuck (เป็นชุมชน anti‐Mac) พบในเว็บข้อมูลระหว่างหาแมคโฮมเพจ เหตุผลหลักที่มีอยู่เป็นการ พิสูจน์ถึง "MacLovers anti‐Mac ชุมชนเป็นชนกลุ่มน้อยไม่ว่า กัน" ไม่มากเป็นชุมชนผู้ใช้ PC ซึ่งเป็นชุมชนของ Mac เกลียดชัง ทีมงาน MacSuck จะ มีลักษณะเหมือนชุมชนอื่น ๆ แบรนด์ รวมถึงรีจิสทรีที่มากมายของสมาชิกมากมายแล้ว ดำรงของทีม MacSuck attests อย่างแน่นอนความแข็งแรงรับรู้ (และภัยคุกคาม) ของยี่ห้อ MacSo, with respect to consciousness of kind, we find brand communities to be very consistent with other communities. There are, however, some observed particularities in how consciousness of kind is constructed in brand communities. For one, there is an interesting self‐awareness and sensitivity concerning the commercial nature of the community. These consumers are aware that their feelings are about mass‐produced and mass‐advertised branded products. Members will even joke about their level of commitment, but only to a point. More than one community member prefaces a brand comment with something similar to Mark's: “it may sound kind of strange . . . but.” Sometimes these become outright defensive: “Look, some people really like the Cubs, like to talk about the Cubs . . . so . . . no one thinks that's strange.” These consumers know that their membership may be taken as signs of shallowness, fanaticism, materialism, and hedonism. Yet most feel that such judgments reveal an ignorance of the real value of the brand and its community: “not everyone understands, but Saabs are GREAT cars, practical, but fun.” All this evidences a communal ethos, informed by a commercial and mass sensibility. In fact, brand communities generally seem more democratic and inclusive than many traditional face‐to‐face communities. Perhaps this is because they are so entirely situated in a relatively laissez‐faire market force ethic, or the commercial ethos Scott (1993) calls the spectacular vernacular. Members tell you that race, gender, and class don’t matter: “all you got to do is appreciate it [SAAB].” And, to a significant degree, brand communities do seem to be fairly open communities, where shared brand consciousness is primary. Still, it would be inaccurate to assert that the brand communities observed here were entirely outside the influence of social stratification. They were not.
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