Unit of Analysis
The diffusion of comparative public administration literature underscores the significance of having a defined unit of analysis for determining administrative variables and for delineating the scope of a study. Directly or indirectly, defining the unit of analysis marks research boundaries, tools, and necessary data—all important functions in developing integrated conceptual schemes for cross cultural analysis. The three most commonly employed units of analysis in comparative research are the individual, the organization, and the national bureaucracy (Jreisat 2002, 24).The Individual and the Organization. No doubt, studies at either of these two levels have many advantages. They are manageable, specific, capture important administrative
issues, and allow for adequate focus on the behavioral dimensions. Most meaningful administrative actions take place in the context of formal organizations. Organizations
coordinate and facilitate individual efforts, converting them into sustained collective action for serving defined goals. From a methodological perspective, the organization is recognized as a superior unit for comparative analysis because of its durable and measurable characteristics. But, at this phase of comparative research, such focus is limiting when applied in the context of many developing countries. It is effective if it is continuously supplied with field data and regular statistical updates. Problematic, empirical comparative information on the organizational and managerial performance of developing countries is not easy to establish. Many other practical considerations confine comparisons at this level.
National Bureaucracy or National Administrative System.
These nomenclatures are used interchangeably as the unit of analysis denoting agencies, organizations, departments, or bureaus of a country’s public sector. These public organizations collectively employ large numbers of employees who interpret and implement the authoritative policies of the state. Viewing bureaucracy as a system of interrelated units allows for definition and measurement of its input of resources, goals, and public demands as well as its output of goods, services, and regulatory decisions. Bureaucracy received its early characterization from
Max Weber (1864–1920). In Weber’s vision, bureaucracy mirrors core values such as specialization, hierarchy, impersonality, rules, rationality, predictability, written records, and a recruitment system based on merit (education, training, and skills). The bureaucratic model, however, proved to be a paradox to administrative theory and practice in many ways. Despite Weber’s dazzling description of the “ideal type” of bureaucratic organization, “the discussion about bureaucracy is still, to a large extent, the domain of the myths and pathos of ideology” (Crozier 1964, 175). Nevertheless, Weber’s emphasis on the generalization properties of bureaucracy and his drive for the universality of his bureaucratic theory dictated playing down cultural differences while stressing the process and its rationality. The authority system dictates fundamental properties of the administrative system. To examine Weber’s bureaucratic model only as an instrument of managerial efficiency and
effectiveness, however, is to lose sight of its larger significance. As Brian Fry points out, Weber’s “particular genius was to place administration in a broad historical context and to associate the processes of bureaucratization with the processes of rationalization in the Western world” (1989, 42). The bureaucratic model emphasizes technical skills, knowledge, merit, justice, due process, and all of the values inherent in modern professional management. But bureaucracy has been equated with big and rigid government. Fears of bureaucratic power and discretion in democratic societies are often magnified for reasons other than effective and efficient performance. Charges of bureaucratic over conformance to rules and regulations are
often assumed or ideologically inspired rather than empirically established. Although “the old bureaucratic order is now creaking under the strain of a mighty assault being
waged against it … no single, coherent alternative has been proposed” (Consider and Lewis 2003, 131). Despite criticisms and reservations, bureaucracy remains
a dominant and universal structure for performing the essential functions of modern society (Heady 2001, 75). The bureaucratic model (and its variations) has been among the most enduring analytical framework in the social sciences. It is still useful for conducting analysis and investigating administrative systems in developed and developing countries. It provides focus, specificity, and value neutrality—useful assets for researchers. Future research has to utilize middle-range concepts to
enhance the specificity and relevance of findings. Middle range conceptualizations differ from grand theories and from summary statistical statements of empirically observed relationships. Middle-range models are efficient tools for applying evidence to a few administrative aspects at a time, for linking concepts to each other, and for providing balance to the abstract and the concrete in the formulation of hypotheses (Pinder and Moore 1980). Thus, relevance is improved and verified concepts can serve as the building blocks for models of greater utility and certitude. Whether research is slanted toward administrative structures and patterned behaviors or directed toward institutional functions and priorities, middle-range research can ensure the relevance of comparative analysis of national administrative systems.