Despite the large increases in food production
brought about by chemical inputs such as pesticides,
the agricultural, environmental and health
costs arising from pesticide use are high (Wilson,
2000). In such a case the question that is often
asked is why do farmers continue to use pesti-cides? There are many reasons for this paradox.
They differ widely across regions and countries
and may not follow a similar pattern where the
use of pesticides is common place.
According to neoclassical theory, farmers will
use pesticides if the discounted net present value
of stream of returns from doing so is positive.
This can support the use of unsustainable pest
control strategies and is more likely to do so, the
higher the real discount rate. This is usually considered
to be higher in less developed countries
(LDCs) than in more developed countries
(MDCs). Hence, to use less sustainable techniques
is more likely in LDCs. It is also possible that
farmers in LDCs are less informed about pesticides
than those in MDCs.
Market systems encourage the adoption of biophysically
unsustainable techniques such as the lower current costs and boost yields in the shortrun,
but eventually lower yields and raise costs of
production in the longer term as shown in Fig. 2c.
Initially, the use of pesticides could increase supply
and reduce market prices thereby forcing nonadopters
to adopt despite their reservations. In
other words, farmers not using pesticides may be
forced to use it to avoid economic losses. Defensive
use of pesticides becomes necessary by nonusers
so as to ensure their economic survival.
Once the new technique is used, it may be impossible
to revert to the previous process, except at a
high cost, even when the cost of production employing
the new technique eventually rises above
that of the old. Hysteresis is present.
Pesticides may be adopted for reasons other
than the above. There may be ignorance about
the sustainability of pesticide use. Its use may be
believed to be more sustainable than is in fact the
case. Pesticides are an integral part of commercially
grown high yielding varieties (for example,
Green Revolution varieties). Without the use of
pesticides, high yields may not be sustained. Furthermore,
chemical companies selling the pesticides
have an incentive to push their use by
advertising and promotion and this may create a
bias in favour of their use (Tisdell et al., 1984).
Thus, the use of chemicals in agriculture may be
encouraged in preference to the use of natural
ingredients available to farmers on farms (Tisdell,
1999). Agriculture research can also become biased
in the same way as will be discussed later in
this section. This market failure problem can result
in the use and development of agricultural
techniques which lack sustainability and which
reduce long-term economic welfare (Tisdell,
1999). This is especially so if there is no countervailing
argument from consumers or activists
against their use. Loans obtained by farmers for
the purchase of inputs (for example, pesticides
and fertilizers) may also be a barrier to switching
to other strategies. Damage to agricultural land
from the use of pesticides occurs over a period of
time. Hence, costs arising may not initially look
serious. Furthermore, farmers do not compensate
for the numerous externalities except in the case
of production externalities. As shown by Wilson
(1998), although farmers in Sri Lanka were willing
to pay a higher price to use safer pesticides or
adopt Integrated Pest Management (IPM) strategies
and biological control of pests and diseases,
such services are not easily available to farmers in
these countries. IPM is practiced in many countries
but has been on a small-scale for many
reasons.5 As the WRI (1994) points out, IPM in
developing countries is more the exception than
the rule. Farmer knowledge and management of
crop disease is also an important factor in the use
of pesticides (Bentley and Thiele, 1999).
It is also likely that in the majority of cases, the
short-term health effects arising from pesticide use
and the disutility from that ill health are underestimated
by farmers. This is because costs resulting
from exposure to pesticides accrue over a period
of time (for example, 1 year) and include time
costs as well. Lack of medical facilities in developing
countries make the problem more complicated.
As pointed out by an anonymous referee,
lack of medical facilities is also a problem in
developed countries. As a result, lack of diagnosis
attributed to pesticide exposure often ignores the
dangers of pesticide use. Ill health then is attributed
to another cause. The long-term relationship
between dose and effect is complicated and
because of the time involved is less easy to prove
(Pimentel and Greiner, 1997). Another reason is
that farmers in developing countries have no easy
alternatives to subsistence farming. Subsistence
farming on the other hand requires very little
capital and skill. Furthermore, subsistence farmers
use some of their produce for home consumption,
thus covering a large part of the family
expenditure. Hired labourers using pesticides may
not know the true health impacts of pesticide use
until severely affected. Workers’ attempts in Latin
America to organise and assert their rights are
known to have met with reprimands and dismissals
because replacement workers are easy to
find (WRI, 1998). Enforcement of laws in LDCs
is also often weak for institutional reasons.
As a result of one or more reasons mentioned,
farmers become locked into ‘unsustainable’ agri-cultural systems once pesticides are adopted. This
is because of the heavy initial costs of switching to
more sustainable systems and the need for all to
act simultaneously in the switching process if economic
losses are to be avoided. This is illustrated
in Fig. 3
Despite the large increases in food production
brought about by chemical inputs such as pesticides,
the agricultural, environmental and health
costs arising from pesticide use are high (Wilson,
2000). In such a case the question that is often
asked is why do farmers continue to use pesti-cides? There are many reasons for this paradox.
They differ widely across regions and countries
and may not follow a similar pattern where the
use of pesticides is common place.
According to neoclassical theory, farmers will
use pesticides if the discounted net present value
of stream of returns from doing so is positive.
This can support the use of unsustainable pest
control strategies and is more likely to do so, the
higher the real discount rate. This is usually considered
to be higher in less developed countries
(LDCs) than in more developed countries
(MDCs). Hence, to use less sustainable techniques
is more likely in LDCs. It is also possible that
farmers in LDCs are less informed about pesticides
than those in MDCs.
Market systems encourage the adoption of biophysically
unsustainable techniques such as the lower current costs and boost yields in the shortrun,
but eventually lower yields and raise costs of
production in the longer term as shown in Fig. 2c.
Initially, the use of pesticides could increase supply
and reduce market prices thereby forcing nonadopters
to adopt despite their reservations. In
other words, farmers not using pesticides may be
forced to use it to avoid economic losses. Defensive
use of pesticides becomes necessary by nonusers
so as to ensure their economic survival.
Once the new technique is used, it may be impossible
to revert to the previous process, except at a
high cost, even when the cost of production employing
the new technique eventually rises above
that of the old. Hysteresis is present.
Pesticides may be adopted for reasons other
than the above. There may be ignorance about
the sustainability of pesticide use. Its use may be
believed to be more sustainable than is in fact the
case. Pesticides are an integral part of commercially
grown high yielding varieties (for example,
Green Revolution varieties). Without the use of
pesticides, high yields may not be sustained. Furthermore,
chemical companies selling the pesticides
have an incentive to push their use by
advertising and promotion and this may create a
bias in favour of their use (Tisdell et al., 1984).
Thus, the use of chemicals in agriculture may be
encouraged in preference to the use of natural
ingredients available to farmers on farms (Tisdell,
1999). Agriculture research can also become biased
in the same way as will be discussed later in
this section. This market failure problem can result
in the use and development of agricultural
techniques which lack sustainability and which
reduce long-term economic welfare (Tisdell,
1999). This is especially so if there is no countervailing
argument from consumers or activists
against their use. Loans obtained by farmers for
the purchase of inputs (for example, pesticides
and fertilizers) may also be a barrier to switching
to other strategies. Damage to agricultural land
from the use of pesticides occurs over a period of
time. Hence, costs arising may not initially look
serious. Furthermore, farmers do not compensate
for the numerous externalities except in the case
of production externalities. As shown by Wilson
(1998), although farmers in Sri Lanka were willing
to pay a higher price to use safer pesticides or
adopt Integrated Pest Management (IPM) strategies
and biological control of pests and diseases,
such services are not easily available to farmers in
these countries. IPM is practiced in many countries
but has been on a small-scale for many
reasons.5 As the WRI (1994) points out, IPM in
developing countries is more the exception than
the rule. Farmer knowledge and management of
crop disease is also an important factor in the use
of pesticides (Bentley and Thiele, 1999).
It is also likely that in the majority of cases, the
short-term health effects arising from pesticide use
and the disutility from that ill health are underestimated
by farmers. This is because costs resulting
from exposure to pesticides accrue over a period
of time (for example, 1 year) and include time
costs as well. Lack of medical facilities in developing
countries make the problem more complicated.
As pointed out by an anonymous referee,
lack of medical facilities is also a problem in
developed countries. As a result, lack of diagnosis
attributed to pesticide exposure often ignores the
dangers of pesticide use. Ill health then is attributed
to another cause. The long-term relationship
between dose and effect is complicated and
because of the time involved is less easy to prove
(Pimentel and Greiner, 1997). Another reason is
that farmers in developing countries have no easy
alternatives to subsistence farming. Subsistence
farming on the other hand requires very little
capital and skill. Furthermore, subsistence farmers
use some of their produce for home consumption,
thus covering a large part of the family
expenditure. Hired labourers using pesticides may
not know the true health impacts of pesticide use
until severely affected. Workers’ attempts in Latin
America to organise and assert their rights are
known to have met with reprimands and dismissals
because replacement workers are easy to
find (WRI, 1998). Enforcement of laws in LDCs
is also often weak for institutional reasons.
As a result of one or more reasons mentioned,
farmers become locked into ‘unsustainable’ agri-cultural systems once pesticides are adopted. This
is because of the heavy initial costs of switching to
more sustainable systems and the need for all to
act simultaneously in the switching process if economic
losses are to be avoided. This is illustrated
in Fig. 3
การแปล กรุณารอสักครู่..
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แม้จะมีขนาดใหญ่เพิ่มขึ้นในการผลิตอาหาร
โดยนำเกี่ยวกับปัจจัยการผลิต เช่น สารเคมี ยาฆ่าแมลง
การเกษตร สิ่งแวดล้อม และสุขภาพ ที่เกิดจากการใช้สารกำจัดศัตรูพืช
ค่าใช้จ่ายสูง ( Wilson ,
2 ) ในกรณีเช่นนี้ คำถามที่มักจะถามคือทำไม
เกษตรกรยังคงใช้ pesti cides ? มีหลายเหตุผลสำหรับการเข้าถึงนี้ .
พวกเขาแตกต่างกันอย่างกว้างขวางทั่วทั้งภูมิภาคและประเทศ
และอาจไม่ปฏิบัติตามรูปแบบคล้ายกันที่ใช้ยาฆ่าแมลงเป็นสถานที่ทั่วไป
.
ตามทฤษฎีต่างๆ เกษตรกรจะใช้สารเคมีถ้า
ลดมูลค่าปัจจุบันสุทธิของกระแสของผลตอบแทนจากการทำเช่นนั้นเป็นบวก .
นี้สามารถสนับสนุนการใช้กลยุทธ์การควบคุมศัตรูพืช
ไม่ยั่งยืน และมีแนวโน้มที่จะทำดังนั้น ,
สูงกว่าอัตราคิดลดจริง นี้มักจะถือว่า
จะสูงกว่าในประเทศที่พัฒนาน้อยกว่า
( ldcs ) มากกว่าในประเทศพัฒนามากกว่า
( mdcs ) ดังนั้น เพื่อการใช้ประโยชน์อย่างยั่งยืนน้อยกว่าเทคนิค
มีโอกาสมากขึ้นใน ldcs . นอกจากนี้ยังเป็นไปได้ว่า
เกษตรกรใน ldcs น้อยทราบเกี่ยวกับยาฆ่าแมลง
กว่า mdcs .
ระบบการตลาดส่งเสริมการยอมรับ biophysically
และเทคนิค เช่น ลดต้นทุน และเพิ่มผลผลิต ปัจจุบันในสั้นๆ
,แต่ผลผลิตลดลงและเพิ่มค่าใช้จ่ายของ
ในที่สุดการผลิตในระยะยาว ดังแสดงในรูปที่ 2 C .
ตอนแรกใช้ยาฆ่าแมลงที่สามารถเพิ่มปริมาณและลดราคา ตลาดจึงบังคับ
nonadopters เพื่อนำมาใช้แม้จะมีการจอง ในคำอื่น ๆ
, เกษตรกรไม่ใช้สารเคมีอาจ
บังคับให้ใช้มันเพื่อหลีกเลี่ยงความสูญเสียทางเศรษฐกิจ ใช้ป้องกันสารเคมี โดยจะต้อง nonusers
เพื่อให้อยู่รอดทางเศรษฐกิจ
เมื่อเทคนิคใหม่ที่ใช้ มันอาจเป็นไปไม่ได้
ย้อนไปขั้นตอนก่อนหน้า ยกเว้นที่
ค่าใช้จ่ายสูง แม้ว่าต้นทุนการผลิตโดยใช้เทคนิคใหม่เพิ่มขึ้นข้างต้นในที่สุด
ของที่เก่า แบบที่เป็นปัจจุบัน
ยาฆ่าแมลงอาจนำมาใช้สำหรับเหตุผลอื่น ๆ
กว่าข้างบน มันอาจจะไม่รู้เกี่ยวกับ
ความยั่งยืนของการใช้ยาฆ่าแมลง การใช้งานอาจจะเชื่อว่าจะยั่งยืนกว่า
ในความเป็นจริง กรณีนี้ จัดเป็นส่วนหนึ่งของในเชิงพาณิชย์
พัฒนาพันธุ์ที่ให้ผลผลิตสูง ( ตัวอย่างเช่น
การปฏิวัติเขียวพันธุ์ ) โดยไม่ใช้ยาฆ่าแมลง
, ผลผลิตสูงอาจจะไม่ยั่งยืน นอกจากนี้ บริษัทเคมีขายยาฆ่าแมลง
มีแรงจูงใจที่จะผลักดันการใช้โดย
การโฆษณาและการส่งเสริมการขายและอาจสร้าง
ลำเอียงในความโปรดปรานของการใช้ ( tisdell et al . , 1984 ) .
ดังนั้น การใช้สารเคมีในการเกษตรอาจจะได้รับการสนับสนุนในการตั้งค่าให้ใช้
ของส่วนผสมจากธรรมชาติที่มีอยู่ให้กับเกษตรกรในฟาร์ม ( tisdell
, 1999 ) งานวิจัยการเกษตรยังสามารถกลายเป็นลำเอียง
ในทางเดียวกัน ตามที่จะกล่าวต่อไปใน
ส่วนนี้ ปัญหาความล้มเหลวของตลาดนี้ได้ผล
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