Dependent Measures
After seeing each interview, all subjects were asked, "How much do you think you would like this teacher?," and were asked to rate him on an 8-point scale ranging from "like extremely" to "dislike extremely." The questionnaire then read: "Listed below are some characteristics of the teacher you saw. Please indicate how you think you would feel about each of the characteristics if you were to take a course from the teacher" The characteristics included physical appearance, mannerisms, and for the Belgian instructor, accent. The subjects rated each characteristic on the scale below:
— extremely appealing
— very appealing
— somewhat appealing
— slightly appealing
— slightly irritating
— somewhat irritating
— very irritating
— extremely irritating
In addition, 34 subjects were told that the investigators were interested in knowing "how much, if at all, your liking for the teacher influenced the ratings you just made." The subjects indicated their answers on scales of the following type: My liking for the teacher caused me to rate his physical appearance:
much higher
higher
slightly higher
had no effect
slightly lower
lower
much lower
Another 56 subjects were asked to indicate "how much, if at all, the characteristics you just rated influenced your liking of the teacher." The subjects indicated their answers on scales of the following type: Physical appearance made me like him:
much more
more
slightly more
had no effect
slightly less
less
much less
After responding to the questionnaire, the subjects were quizzed intensively about their reactions to the videotapes and to the questionnaire items, and then were debriefed.
Results Effect of Global Evaluation on Evaluations of Attributes
The results demonstrate that global assessment of a person can powerfully alter evaluations of particular attributes. That is, this is the case if one is willing to make the assumption that the attributes manifested by the confederate were in fact constant across experimental conditions. Although this is a reasonable assumption, it is by no means indisputable. It might have been the case, for example, that the teacher smiled a lot in his warm guise, thus making his appearance more appealing and/or frowned a lot in his cold guise, thus making it less appealing. Similarly, his mannerisms, both physical and verbal, might have differed when he was playing the two roles. It is even conceivable that his accent might have been less pronounced and harsh when he was playing the warm role than when playing the cold role.
Thus, the subjects appear to have gotten matters precisely backwards. Their liking for the teacher was manipulated, and this affected their ratings of particular attributes. Yet the subjects did not acknowledge this effect, and the subjects who saw the cold teacher actually reported the opposite effect. These subjects reported that their evaluations of the teacher's attributes lowered their liking for him, although they denied that their liking for the teacher had affected their ratings of his attributes. (Logically, of course, it is possible that the subjects who saw the cold teacher are partly right. It is conceivable that the teacher's appearance, mannerisms, and accent were all intrinsically unattractive. In that event, the subjects who saw the cold teacher might have been accurate when they reported that their liking for the teacher was decreased because of their evaluations of these attributes. If that were the case, then the subjects in the warm condition erred in believing that the teacher's appearance, mannerisms, and accent were neutral and had had no effect on their liking of him.) Conversations with the subjects following the experiment served to reinforce the implications of Figures 2 and 3. The subjects were asked if they were quite sure that their global evaluations had not influenced their ratings of the teacher's attributes. Most subjects persisted in their denial—some warily, perhaps because the}' suspected the experimenter knew something they didn't, and some heatedly. One young woman said, in a somewhat exasperated tone, "Before he even began talking, I made my judgment about his appearance and then I stuck with it." The conversations gave reason to suspect, in fact, that some of the subjects in Figure 2 who reported that their liking for the teacher had influenced their ratings did not actually believe this. One of the subjects who had indicated this said, on being probed about his answer: "Actually, I just turned the question around I disliked his accent a little, so that made me dislike him more."
Discussion
The present results support the strong interpretation of the halo effect phenomenon. They indicate that global evaluations alter evaluations of attributes about which the individual has information fully sufficient to allow for an independent assessment. These results, it should be noted, are consistent with the very earliest theorizing about the phenomenon. Thorndike (1920), who gave the phenomenon its name, clearly believed that it represented far more than an effect on presumptions about or interpretations of the evaluative meaning of attributes, but rather that it represented a fundamental inability to resist the affective influence of global evaluation on evaluation of specific attributes. Subsequent theorists have tended to share this view, though in the absence of strong evidence to support it. When considering the establishment of rules concerning blind review, conflict of interest, nepotism, and the like, it would therefore seem advisable to consider more than the possibility that some individuals in the system may be venal and corrupt. The protestations of even the most virtuous and disinterested participants that they are capable of independent judgments should be considered suspect.
ขึ้นอยู่กับมาตรการ หลังจากเห็นการสัมภาษณ์แต่ละ ทุกหัวข้อถูกถาม, "เท่าที่คุณคิดว่า คุณต้องการให้ครูนี้?, " และได้ขอให้คะแนนเขาในระดับ 8 จุดมีตั้งแต่ "ชอบมาก" รังเกียจ "มากขึ้น" แบบสอบถามอ่านแล้ว: "ล่างได้บางลักษณะของครูที่คุณเห็น โปรดระบุวิธีที่คุณคิดว่า คุณจะรู้สึกเกี่ยวกับแต่ละลักษณะก็ให้ใช้หลักสูตรจากอาจารย์"ลักษณะทางกายภาพลักษณะ บุคลิก รวม และสำหรับผู้สอนที่เบลเยียม อักขระเน้นเสียง หัวข้อคะแนนแต่ละลักษณะในระดับด้านล่าง:ซึ่งน่าสนใจมากซึ่งน่าสนใจมากซึ่งค่อนข้างน่าสนใจ-น่าสนใจเล็กน้อย-เคืองเล็กน้อย– ค่อนข้างเคือง-เคืองมาก-เคืองมากวิชา 34 มือถือที่มีบอกว่า นักสืบที่ได้สนใจรู้ "จำนวน ถ้าทั้งหมด ชื่นสำหรับครูมีอิทธิพลต่อการจัดอันดับที่คุณทำ" เรื่องการระบุคำตอบของพวกเขาบนเครื่องชั่งน้ำหนักชนิดต่อไปนี้: โดนใจของฉันสำหรับครูเกิดฉันอัตราลักษณะทางกายภาพ:สูงสูงสูงขึ้นเล็กน้อยมีผลไม่ต่ำกว่าเล็กน้อยต่ำกว่าต่ำกว่ามากอีก 56 เรื่องถูกขอให้ระบุ "จำนวน ถ้าเลย ลักษณะที่คุณคะแนนอิทธิพลชื่นของครูด้วย" เรื่องการระบุคำตอบของพวกเขาบนเครื่องชั่งน้ำหนักชนิดต่อไปนี้: ลักษณะทางกายภาพที่ทำให้ฉันเหมือนเขา:much moremoreslightly morehad no effectslightly lesslessmuch lessAfter responding to the questionnaire, the subjects were quizzed intensively about their reactions to the videotapes and to the questionnaire items, and then were debriefed.Results Effect of Global Evaluation on Evaluations of AttributesThe results demonstrate that global assessment of a person can powerfully alter evaluations of particular attributes. That is, this is the case if one is willing to make the assumption that the attributes manifested by the confederate were in fact constant across experimental conditions. Although this is a reasonable assumption, it is by no means indisputable. It might have been the case, for example, that the teacher smiled a lot in his warm guise, thus making his appearance more appealing and/or frowned a lot in his cold guise, thus making it less appealing. Similarly, his mannerisms, both physical and verbal, might have differed when he was playing the two roles. It is even conceivable that his accent might have been less pronounced and harsh when he was playing the warm role than when playing the cold role.Thus, the subjects appear to have gotten matters precisely backwards. Their liking for the teacher was manipulated, and this affected their ratings of particular attributes. Yet the subjects did not acknowledge this effect, and the subjects who saw the cold teacher actually reported the opposite effect. These subjects reported that their evaluations of the teacher's attributes lowered their liking for him, although they denied that their liking for the teacher had affected their ratings of his attributes. (Logically, of course, it is possible that the subjects who saw the cold teacher are partly right. It is conceivable that the teacher's appearance, mannerisms, and accent were all intrinsically unattractive. In that event, the subjects who saw the cold teacher might have been accurate when they reported that their liking for the teacher was decreased because of their evaluations of these attributes. If that were the case, then the subjects in the warm condition erred in believing that the teacher's appearance, mannerisms, and accent were neutral and had had no effect on their liking of him.) Conversations with the subjects following the experiment served to reinforce the implications of Figures 2 and 3. The subjects were asked if they were quite sure that their global evaluations had not influenced their ratings of the teacher's attributes. Most subjects persisted in their denial—some warily, perhaps because the}' suspected the experimenter knew something they didn't, and some heatedly. One young woman said, in a somewhat exasperated tone, "Before he even began talking, I made my judgment about his appearance and then I stuck with it." The conversations gave reason to suspect, in fact, that some of the subjects in Figure 2 who reported that their liking for the teacher had influenced their ratings did not actually believe this. One of the subjects who had indicated this said, on being probed about his answer: "Actually, I just turned the question around I disliked his accent a little, so that made me dislike him more."Discussion The present results support the strong interpretation of the halo effect phenomenon. They indicate that global evaluations alter evaluations of attributes about which the individual has information fully sufficient to allow for an independent assessment. These results, it should be noted, are consistent with the very earliest theorizing about the phenomenon. Thorndike (1920), who gave the phenomenon its name, clearly believed that it represented far more than an effect on presumptions about or interpretations of the evaluative meaning of attributes, but rather that it represented a fundamental inability to resist the affective influence of global evaluation on evaluation of specific attributes. Subsequent theorists have tended to share this view, though in the absence of strong evidence to support it. When considering the establishment of rules concerning blind review, conflict of interest, nepotism, and the like, it would therefore seem advisable to consider more than the possibility that some individuals in the system may be venal and corrupt. The protestations of even the most virtuous and disinterested participants that they are capable of independent judgments should be considered suspect.
การแปล กรุณารอสักครู่..