But it was the celebration of community that caught the eye of scholars
in other disciplines. For Coleman, community ties were important for the
benefits they yielded to individuals. Old people could walk the streets at
night without fear and children could be sent to play outside because tight
community controls guaranteed their personal safety (Coleman, 1988b). A
subtle transition took place as the concept was exported into other disciplines
where social capital became an attribute of the community itself. In
this new garb, its benefits accrued not so much to individuals as to the
collectivity as a whole in the form of reduced crime rates, lower official
corruption, and better governance.
This conceptual stretch, initiated by political scientist Robert Putnam
(1993, 1995), made possible to speak of the "stock" of social capital possessed
by communities and even nations and the consequent structural
effects on their development. To be sure, individual and collective benefits
derived from primordial ties are not incompatible and, perhaps for this
reason, Coleman never openly challenged the new use of the term by
Putnam. But social capital as a property of cities or nations is qualitatively
distinct from its individual version, a fact that explains why the respective
literatures have diverged. Several differences between the two deserve
careful attention.
But it was the celebration of community that caught the eye of scholars
in other disciplines. For Coleman, community ties were important for the
benefits they yielded to individuals. Old people could walk the streets at
night without fear and children could be sent to play outside because tight
community controls guaranteed their personal safety (Coleman, 1988b). A
subtle transition took place as the concept was exported into other disciplines
where social capital became an attribute of the community itself. In
this new garb, its benefits accrued not so much to individuals as to the
collectivity as a whole in the form of reduced crime rates, lower official
corruption, and better governance.
This conceptual stretch, initiated by political scientist Robert Putnam
(1993, 1995), made possible to speak of the "stock" of social capital possessed
by communities and even nations and the consequent structural
effects on their development. To be sure, individual and collective benefits
derived from primordial ties are not incompatible and, perhaps for this
reason, Coleman never openly challenged the new use of the term by
Putnam. But social capital as a property of cities or nations is qualitatively
distinct from its individual version, a fact that explains why the respective
literatures have diverged. Several differences between the two deserve
careful attention.
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