The definition of International Relations is mainly associated with Power. Interaction between countries is mostly about politics or political fications rami- therefore not surprising that the power has been achieved in the discussion of the interaction between the KGB today. The long history of discussing the role of power in international relations. But failed to create many deals. Scholars disagree not only. But with respect to the role of authority. But also with respect to the nature of power, Hans J. Morgenthau (1964: 27N) shows that the concept of political power poses one of the most difficult and controversial political issues. Kenneth N. Waltz (1986: 333) noted that power is an important concept in the theory of international politics, while acknowledging that. 'Proper definition of it is still a matter of controversy. And Robert Gilpin explains the concept of power is. 'One of the most troublesome aspects of international relations "(1981: 13), and showed that the number and variety of definitions should be an embarrassment to the political scientist' (1975: 24. ). but there is a widespread consensus among scholars of international relations and the need to address the role of power in international contacts and unsatisfactory state of knowledge on this topic (GUZZINI 2000. ; Barnett and Duvall 2005; Berenskoetter. And Williams, 2007) .
Although it is often useful to distinguish between the provision of energy, such as power, influence, control duress persuade veto compellence, incentives, etc., it is possible to identify the elements. generally all the basic agreement. Robert A. Dahl (1957) has pointed out that the basic agreement is the most intuitive idea of the cause. (Or have the ability to cause) B to do something B would not otherwise do. (In the discussion that followed, 'A' denotes actor or exercise influence in the 'B' refers to actors that are or could be influenced.) Although the definition of alternative energy. AME unparalleled in widespread adoption. in the following discussion the term 'power' is used in a general sense, in broad terms, as well as with the 'influence' or 'control', except where noted. This usage is not intended to deny the validity or utility differentiate between terms such other purposes. The power and the study of international politics, international politics has been defined. in terms of influencing the world in order to advance the purposes of. Some of the conflicts of others' (Wright, 1955: 130), although the word 'political' means offensive to some as meaning that the term is redundant Seedlings and saplings 1945; Spykman 1942; Wright, 1955)
The Potential Power Problem The elements of national power approach to power analysis is a variant of the power‐as‐resources approach. In this approach, power resources are treated as if they were power itself. One problem with this approach is that what functions as a power asset in one situation may be a power liability in a different situation. Planes loaded with nuclear bombs may be worse than useless in a situation calling for planes with conventional weapons with insufficient time to unload the nuclear weapons and reload the planes with conventional ones. And the same stockpile of arms that is useful for deterring one country may trigger an arms race with another. Similarly, what constitutes a 'good hand' in card games depends on whether one is playing poker or bridge. Discussions of the capabilities of states that fail to designate or imply a framework of assumptions about who is trying (or might try) to get whom to do what are comparable to discussions of what constitutes a good hand in cards without specifying which game is to be played. The Sprouts called this set of assumptions a 'policy‐contingency framework' (1965, 1971). Focusing on the capabilities of states is simply a way of drawing attention to their potential power. It makes no more sense to talk about state capabilities in general than to talk about state power without (explicitly or implicitly) specifying scope and domain. If one wants to estimate the potential power of Guatemala, it helps to know, nay, it is imperative to know whether it concerns a border dispute with EI Salvador or a trade agreement with the United States. Although it is sometimes suggested that insistence on specification of the scope and domain of potential power relationships makes prediction and or generalization nearly impossible (Guzzini, 2000; Keohane, 1986), this is not true. Specification of scope and domain (or policy‐contingency frameworks) need not imply atheoretical empiricism. Policy‐contingency frameworks may be defined more or less broadly to suit the purpose of the analyst. As Nagel (1975: 14) observes, 'domain and scope need not be particularistic or unique. Depending on one's purpose and the limits imposed by reality, the outcome class may contain a few similar members or many diverse elements'. but it is not clear why one would want to do so. Power re