And so the discourse of recognition has become familiar to
us, on two levels: First, in the intimate sphere, where we understand
the formation of identity and the self as taking
place in a continuing dialogue and struggle with significant
others. And then in the public sphere, where a politics of
equal recognition has come to play a bigger and bigger role.
Certain feminist theories have tried to show the links between
the two spheres.14
I want to concentrate here on the public sphere, and try to
work out what a politics of equal recognition has meant and
could mean.
In fact, it has come to mean two rather different things,
connected, respectively, with the two major changes I have
been describing. With the move from honor to dignity has
come a politics of universalism, emphasizing the equal dignity
of all citizens, and the content of this politics has been
the equalization of rights and entitlements. What is to be
avoided at all costs is the existence of “first-class” and “second-
class” citizens. Naturally, the actual detailed measures
justified by this principle have varied greatly, and have often
And so the discourse of recognition has become familiar to
us, on two levels: First, in the intimate sphere, where we understand
the formation of identity and the self as taking
place in a continuing dialogue and struggle with significant
others. And then in the public sphere, where a politics of
equal recognition has come to play a bigger and bigger role.
Certain feminist theories have tried to show the links between
the two spheres.14
I want to concentrate here on the public sphere, and try to
work out what a politics of equal recognition has meant and
could mean.
In fact, it has come to mean two rather different things,
connected, respectively, with the two major changes I have
been describing. With the move from honor to dignity has
come a politics of universalism, emphasizing the equal dignity
of all citizens, and the content of this politics has been
the equalization of rights and entitlements. What is to be
avoided at all costs is the existence of “first-class” and “second-
class” citizens. Naturally, the actual detailed measures
justified by this principle have varied greatly, and have often
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