Yoshifumi Tamada explains the word influence in Thai politics in this way. Thai people perceive two kinds of power: the first is the power which is correct according to law and custom, which is called power (amnat); the second is the power that is not recognized by law or custom, but has force just like the first type of power. The Thai call this influence. 21
Influence has existed in Thai society from olden times and is not something which comes into conflict with power. When power confronts influence, instead of suppressing influence to leave only power, power finds it lacks the necessary force. Instead it compromises with influence by incorporating it into power. For example, local bosses (nakleng) are elevated as leaders or nobles, or the family which has the supreme influence in an area is elevated as the local governor.
Modern administrative law copied from the west cannot compromise with influence so leaves influence alone outside the bureaucratic system. But in practice things are the same as before. That is, there is compromise between government officials and influence at all levels. The upcountry nobles get their free drinks and running expenses from local influence. The central nobles become directors of banks and golf courses and receive shares at par from national-level influence.
Influence has been an obstacle to state power from olden times. Influence is a constraint which the indivisible power of the Thai rulers must confront at all times. Whenever people are in trouble, they can either run to the rightful power of the state or seek the protection of the influence with which power has to compromise, depending on how that particular trouble should be dealt with. In modern western terms, the governing power in Thailand faces the “opposition” of influence.
Another constraint on power in Thailand is morality, or stated clearly, the manifestation of morality.
To retain power, the Thai monarch must demonstrate the ten royal virtues and carry out the imperial duties. What these two things are, Thai people in general do not know. But they are pleased if the monarch shows a high degree of compassion, is just, not indulgent, and moral. Learned men in the early Rattanakosin court condemned the kings of the Ban Phlu Luang dynasty 22 for immoral behaviour such as killing animals, sexual licence, drunkenness, and so on.
In any culture, it’s instructive to observe what is selected to condemn a king in history. In the Thai case, the five Buddhist precepts are chosen as the criteria. It is important for Thai rulers to manifest their morality. Failure to do so leads to lack of acceptance from the general population and invites other groups to challenge for power.
The manifestation of morality is not limited to the performance of public duties. The Thai do not distinguish between public duties and private practice. They consider them the same. Hence even in private life, rulers must manifest morality and integrity. One minister of interior had to resign because an MP said in parliament that he often took girls to cuddle in hotels.
Apart from their duties, rulers must also explain that they decide on policies for moral reasons, that is, clearly not in violation of moral principles. For example, for a long time there has been a call to abolish the law on prostitution and decriminalize it, but opponents always raise reasons of morality and reputation. They claim abolition would amount to supporting immoral actions and shamefully sacrificing the country’s reputation. But these opponents don’t care much about the fact that Thailand has almost a million prostitutes. It’s the same with the legalization of abortion, which has been opposed on grounds of morality, even while it’s easy as anything in Thailand to get an abortion or “induced menstruation,” both safe and unsafe.
So it should be reiterated that the “morality” which is important in opposing the power of Thai rulers does not make the Thai rulers become moral people, or make the public policies of the Thai rulers rich in morality. Rather, external manifestation of morality has much more importance than content. To put it simply, at present if you want a minor wife then go ahead but don’t create a scandal.
Nevertheless, even the external manifestation of morality is a force to constrain the power of the rulers to some extent.
To sum up, Thai rulers are cramped by two kinds of constraint on power, first, local bosses, and second, the external manifestation of morality.
Both constraints are sacred institutions which are inscribed in the Thai cultural constitution. Although nobody can tear up and throw away the provisions in this constitution, those who seize state power always suppress the bosses who are not part of their gang and build up their own network of bosses in their place. At the same time, the group which has seized power condemns its rivals as lacking in morality, even though the new group behaves no differently.
Influence and immoral actions disguised behind a moral façade are not something that Thai people dislike. Bosses in fact can help provide protection for us. Immoral actions disguised behind a moral façade are better than denigrating and violating the moral law without a care. In any case, power is like fire: close up, it’s hot; far away, it’s cool; anything which can offer some opposition to the power of fire is already good.
Yoshifumi Tamada อธิบายอิทธิพลคำในเมืองไทยในลักษณะนี้ คนไทยสังเกตพลังงานสองชนิด: แรกคือ อำนาจที่ถูกต้องตามกฎหมายและกำหนดเอง ซึ่งเรียกว่าอำนาจ (อำนาจ); ที่สองคือ ใช้พลังงานที่ไม่รู้จักกฎหมายหรือกำหนดเอง แต่มีแรงเหมือนชนิดแรกของพลังงาน ไทยเรียกอิทธิพลนี้ 21อิทธิพลมีอยู่ในสังคมไทยจาก olden ครั้ง และไม่ใช่สิ่งที่ขัดแย้งกับอำนาจ เมื่อพลังงานกับความอิทธิพล แทนเมื่ออิทธิพลจากอำนาจเท่านั้น กำลังค้นหามันขาดแรงจำเป็น แทน มันลดระดับในเรื่องกับอิทธิพล โดยเพจเป็นพลังงาน ตัวอย่าง เป็นผู้นำหรือขุนนางจะยกระดับผู้บังคับบัญชาท้องถิ่น (เท่ง) หรือครอบครัวที่มีอิทธิพลสูงสุดในพื้นที่คือการยกระดับเป็นผู้ว่าราชการท้องถิ่นกฎหมายปกครองสมัยที่คัดลอกมาจากตะวันตกไม่สามารถประนีประนอมกับอิทธิพลเพื่อใบอิทธิพลนอกระบบราชการเพียงอย่างเดียว แต่ในทางปฏิบัติ สิ่งที่เป็นเหมือนก่อน กล่าวคือ มีปัญหาระหว่างเจ้าหน้าที่ของรัฐและอิทธิพลทุกระดับ ขุนนางต่างจังหวัดรับฟรีเครื่องดื่มและค่าใช้จ่ายทำงานของพวกเขาจากอิทธิพลท้องถิ่น ขุนนางส่วนกลางเป็น กรรมการธนาคารและกอล์ฟ และรับหุ้นราคาพาร์จากอิทธิพลระดับชาติInfluence has been an obstacle to state power from olden times. Influence is a constraint which the indivisible power of the Thai rulers must confront at all times. Whenever people are in trouble, they can either run to the rightful power of the state or seek the protection of the influence with which power has to compromise, depending on how that particular trouble should be dealt with. In modern western terms, the governing power in Thailand faces the “opposition” of influence.Another constraint on power in Thailand is morality, or stated clearly, the manifestation of morality.To retain power, the Thai monarch must demonstrate the ten royal virtues and carry out the imperial duties. What these two things are, Thai people in general do not know. But they are pleased if the monarch shows a high degree of compassion, is just, not indulgent, and moral. Learned men in the early Rattanakosin court condemned the kings of the Ban Phlu Luang dynasty 22 for immoral behaviour such as killing animals, sexual licence, drunkenness, and so on.In any culture, it’s instructive to observe what is selected to condemn a king in history. In the Thai case, the five Buddhist precepts are chosen as the criteria. It is important for Thai rulers to manifest their morality. Failure to do so leads to lack of acceptance from the general population and invites other groups to challenge for power.The manifestation of morality is not limited to the performance of public duties. The Thai do not distinguish between public duties and private practice. They consider them the same. Hence even in private life, rulers must manifest morality and integrity. One minister of interior had to resign because an MP said in parliament that he often took girls to cuddle in hotels.Apart from their duties, rulers must also explain that they decide on policies for moral reasons, that is, clearly not in violation of moral principles. For example, for a long time there has been a call to abolish the law on prostitution and decriminalize it, but opponents always raise reasons of morality and reputation. They claim abolition would amount to supporting immoral actions and shamefully sacrificing the country’s reputation. But these opponents don’t care much about the fact that Thailand has almost a million prostitutes. It’s the same with the legalization of abortion, which has been opposed on grounds of morality, even while it’s easy as anything in Thailand to get an abortion or “induced menstruation,” both safe and unsafe.So it should be reiterated that the “morality” which is important in opposing the power of Thai rulers does not make the Thai rulers become moral people, or make the public policies of the Thai rulers rich in morality. Rather, external manifestation of morality has much more importance than content. To put it simply, at present if you want a minor wife then go ahead but don’t create a scandal.Nevertheless, even the external manifestation of morality is a force to constrain the power of the rulers to some extent.To sum up, Thai rulers are cramped by two kinds of constraint on power, first, local bosses, and second, the external manifestation of morality.Both constraints are sacred institutions which are inscribed in the Thai cultural constitution. Although nobody can tear up and throw away the provisions in this constitution, those who seize state power always suppress the bosses who are not part of their gang and build up their own network of bosses in their place. At the same time, the group which has seized power condemns its rivals as lacking in morality, even though the new group behaves no differently.Influence and immoral actions disguised behind a moral façade are not something that Thai people dislike. Bosses in fact can help provide protection for us. Immoral actions disguised behind a moral façade are better than denigrating and violating the moral law without a care. In any case, power is like fire: close up, it’s hot; far away, it’s cool; anything which can offer some opposition to the power of fire is already good.
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