Habermas, along with Cohen and Arato, identiWes new social movements as the most innovative actors in the public sphere (Habermas 1996, 370; Cohen and Arato 1992).
Social movements interested in developing a dialogical relation to the state deploy
oVensive and defensive strategies vis-a `-vis the state.
OVensively, groups set out to inXuence the state and economy.
So, for example, environmental movements try to inXuence legislation, shape public opinion, and contain economic growth.
But at the same time, the environmental movement has consciously contributed to the expansion of associational life, to the encouragement of grassroots participation, to the development of new and innovative forms of involvement, and to the extension of public forums of debate and deliberation.
This sort of activity empowers citizens within civil society, helps maintain autonomy, and expands and strengthens democracy by giving citizens eVective means of shaping their world.
Thus, eVective social movements not only achieve policy goals; the achievement of policy goals is tied to strengthening the role of civil society as a critical dialogue partner with the state.
These movements ‘‘force’’ the state to answer to new voices, concerns, and interests.
Social movements are poised between civil society as an opponent to the state and civil society in support of the state.
370 simone chambers & jeffrey kopstein
The question that naturally arises, however, is: When does critical opposition strengthen democracy and its claim to legitimacy and when does it lead to democratic breakdown?
When do contentious civic groups acting against the state instill civic virtues in people that help sustain democracy and when do they lead people to overthrow democracies as enthusiastically as they overthrow dictatorships? It is to the question of the relationship between civil society and public dispositions that we turn next.